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Victims

Mahamedi, 24.07.2025. Shot dead – Montornès del Vallès

July 14, Police station – Montornès del Vallès
22-year-old. Shot: deceased

Unfortunately, we are witnessing a new episode of police and institutional racism. It is not an isolated incident in Montornès del Vallès, but is part of a machinery of persecution and criminalization of our migrant and racialized communities, throughout the Spanish territory, including in Catalonia.

Mahamedi was a 22-year-old black man, a resident of Montornès del Vallès, born in Catalonia, son of Gambian parents. This lifelong villager —a former football player in the lower categories of the village team, who worked delivering packages to neighbors as a delivery man— died from gunshot wounds.

It happened last Friday, July 24, at the Local Police headquarters, under the opacity of all the administrations and media outlets that, in unison, rushed to establish a criminalizing narrative, when referring to our neighbor.

The Montornès del Vallès City Council, far from taking steps to inform the family of Mahamadi‘s death and clarify the facts, rushed to issue an institutional statement on social media. They talk about an “incident” at police stations, in which “an armed man” entered the police station, “was shot” by an officer, while “another officer was injured“. They omit to define how the latter was injured, and they do not even mention why a shot caused the death of a local resident. Nor did they communicate with the respect due to his family the violent death of Mahamedi.

We see once again how the media has finished constructing the official narrative, asserting that the young man was carrying a knife to a police station, and that it was an accident. This has given space to the police unions to request more personnel and resources to “prevent these regrettable events” of which police officers are victims, without any mention of the young man who lost his life in the police action.

We are once again faced with the death of a black person, with opacity in communication protocols and undignified treatment, in police stations, which refers us to other cases of police and institutional racism and deaths by gunfire from state security forces.

To clarify the regrettable facts and establish responsibility for the authorship of this death in police custody of the young Mahamedi, we ask:

  • Clarification of the facts and why a firearm was used to reduce the victim. How many shots and in what area of the body were fired to cause the death of young Mahamedi?
  • To know why the family was not informed of the death at the same time and why questions were asked at the victim’s home in the hours following his death?
  • Mahamedi was a well-known neighbor and recognized among his community as a peaceful person. How can the use of firearms to kill and the fact that other forms of restraint were not used be justified?
  • We ask the media for responsibility and journalistic rigor. That they do not serve as a hook to criminalize a person without having verified the facts beyond reproducing the police version that criminalizes and dehumanizes the young Mahamedi. Especially, in a context of growing threats and hate speech against Muslim and racialized migrant communities by far-right criminal organizations.

From several anti-racist social groups we demand that the cause of death at our neighbor’s police station be clarified. We demand dignified institutional treatment towards the family and responsibilities, to seek truth, justice and reparation regarding the death of young Mahamedi.

Physical violence
 Arrest
 Detention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Electric shocks
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Torture / Inhumane and degrading treatment
 Execution
 Kidnapping
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Mock execution
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
 Charging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Intervention in a private place
XAt the police station
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Sleep deprivation
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors

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Victims

Ahmet Dîkmen, 12.07.2025. Arrested – Valencia

July 12, 2025 – Valencia
Arrested : released the next day

Spanish authorities have arrested Kurdish activist Ahmet Dikmen, who has been living in Europe since 2013, on Saturday 12 July in Valencia

Ahmet is facing a 20-year prison sentence in Turkey for his political activities. Spanish authorities have announced their intention to deport him to Turkey.

He was released on Thursday, 24 July. The official decision to release him was made on Thursday afternoon, and he was released from prison at 8 p.m. He then returned home the following day.

Physical violence
 XArrest
 XDetention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Electric shocks
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Torture / Inhumane and degrading treatment
 Execution
 Kidnapping
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Mock execution
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
 Charging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Intervention in a private place
 At the police station
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Sleep deprivation
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors

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Victims

Ilyas Tahiri, 01.07.2019. Suffocated – Almeria

July 1st, 2019 – Almeria
18 year-old. Suffocated from a knee on his neck

Ilyas was a young Moroccan from Tetouan who immigrated to Spain. According to the Ligue marocaine pour la défense des droits de l’homme (LMDDH) and a videosurveillance footage they obtained, the supervisors of the Tierras de Oria accommodation center for minors where he was detained transported Ilyas with his hands tied behind his back to a room. Once laid on his belly on the bed, six of them held him while one pressed on his back and neck with his knees during several minutes, which resulted in Ilyas suffocating and stopping breathing.

El Pais published the video footage proving Ilyas was not resisting nor being violent, raising serious doubt about the need to use such “mechanical contention“.

Almeria’s Attorney general described Ilyas‘ death as an “excessive force” used on the victim and amounting to an “accident“, to justify dropping the homicide case. Worse even, the coroner’s report concluded death by cardiac arrest and excluded death suffocation, in obvious contradiction with the video footage.

Mourad El Ajouti, representing the family and the Coalition Justice for Ilyas, lodged a request with the Tribunal of Almeria, demanding the case be reexamined.

The Collective was invited by the Spanish Parliament to talk about the use of the “mechanical contention protocol” in minor detention centers and the opportunity of a new legislation prohibiting such protocol. Later an Almeria judge sent a letter to the the Ginso Foundation announcing that for now the protocole would be put on hold in the Ginso center.

Physical violence
 Kicks, punches, slaps
XFeet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Tirage par les cheveux
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
XProlonged uncomfortable position

 

  • 02.07.2020 – Sit-in in front of the tribunal in Almeria
  • 01.07.2020 – Hearing of the Collective Justice for Ilyas at the Parliament
  • 06.2020 – Protests at the Spanish Consulate in Tetouan
  • 01.2020 – Almeria tribunal reopens the case
  • 2019 – Attorney general drops the homicide case
  • 01.07.2019 – Death of Ilyas
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Victims

Pablo Rivadulla Duró, 16.02.2021. Arrested – Lleida

February 16, 2021 – University of Lleida
33-year-old. Arrested, convicted, jailed

Pablo Rivadulla Duró (born 9 August 1988), known artistically as Pablo Hasél, is a Catalan rapper, writer, poet, and political activist. His songs and actions, often controversial and in support of far-left politics, have led to a number of criminal charges and convictions in his country. In June 2020 he was sentenced to six months in prison for pushing and spraying washing-up liquid at a TV3 journalist and to two and a half years for kicking and threatening a witness in the trial of a policeman. He was imprisoned on 16 February 2021 on a nine-month sentence for recidivism in insulting the Spanish monarchy, insulting the Spanish army and police forces, and praising terrorism and banned groups. This has been labeled an attack on free speech by certain groups both in Spain and overseas, including Amnesty International, and led to numerous protests and riots.

In October 2011, Pablo was arrested and bailed for a song titled Democracia, su puta madre in which he praised Manuel Pérez MartínezCamarada Arenas“, the former secretary general of the PCE(r), who was sentenced to 17 years in prison for belonging to the terrorist group GRAPO. In April 2014, Pablo was given a two-year prison sentence for the lyrics of ten songs in praise of GRAPO, ETA, Al-Qaeda the Red Army Faction and Terra Lliure, and threats against leading politicians like José Bono or Patxi Lopez.

The Audiencia Nacional court suspended his entry into prison for three years in September 2019, on condition that he not reoffend, since the sentence was less than two years. Pablo violated this condition by continuing to sing and tweet. Pablo has denied that he supports Al-Qaeda or that it was listed among the groups he was charged with supporting.

In May 2014, Pablo was arrested for being part of a group of around fifteen people that attacked a stall belonging to the Lleida Identitària, linked to the far-right Platform for Catalonia (PxC) party.

In November 2014, Hasél released a song called “Menti-ros” which included several depictions of shooting, stabbing or bombing the mayor of Lleida, Àngel Ros. He was charged with making threats. In February 2017 he was convicted of disrespecting authority, after the court concluded that the song did not meet the legal definition of a threat. He was fined €530.

In June 2016, Pablo pushed, insulted and sprayed washing-up liquid at a TV3 journalist. He received six months in prison and a fine of €12,150 in June 2020. A few days after the court ruling and as a result of it, a group of unknown individuals attacked the headquarters of TV3 in Lleida. In the same month, he received a 212-year sentence and €2,500 fine for assault and obstruction of justice, namely for kicking and threatening a witness in the October 2017 trial of a policeman eventually acquitted of assaulting a minor, accusing him of providing false testimony. This sentence was confirmed in 2021, days after his imprisonment.

In a February 2018 interview, Pablo defended his support of the Catalan Republic, and developed his position on free speech: “I will not be a hypocrite, I do not defend freedom of expression in the abstract. I do not defend the freedom of expression of a pedophile or a Nazi to say that homosexuals should be killed. Precisely, I fight against that. […] I stand for freedom of expression to fight for democratic rights.” Later on, in another interview, in March 2018 Pablo said he was unable to find work due to his criminal convictions that disqualified him from the public sector for ten years, and that his last work had been grape picking in France.

In March 2018, Pablo was convicted by Spanish Special Court Audiencia Nacional in Madrid to a two-year prison sentence and a fine of €24,300 for insulting and slandering the Crown and using the King’s image (for which he was ordered to pay a fine), for insulting and slandering State institutions (for which he was also ordered to pay a fine); and for the offence of glorification of terrorism, being aggravated because it was a repeat offence, for which he was sentenced to seven months imprisonment in one song lyrics and in 64 tweets. The song was titled Juan Carlos el Bobón, which roughly translates as Juan Carlos the Clown, a wordplay on the former king’s actual name, Juan Carlos de Borbón. In the song, Pablo recounts the former king’s numerous scandals in a chronological order. Many of his 64 incriminated tweets were actually about police violence and a lack of accountability in that area. In one of those tweets used in the court case Pablo wrote that Joseba Arregi Izagirre, a 1981 accused ETA member, was tortured to death in a Madrid prison; pointing out this fact was part of the evidence used to claim he supported terrorism.] An appeals judge later reduced his jail term to nine months and one day because his social media remarks did “not pose a real risk” to anyone. This decision was ultimately upheld by the Supreme Court of Spain in May 2020; both rulings were hugely controversial rulings.

One of the judges of the Spanish Special Court Audiencia Nacional in Madrid who sentenced Pablo was Nicolás Poveda Peña, who was an active member of the fascist Falange, the political movement of dictator Franco, and ran for election on the lists of the Falange Party – Poveda was appointed judge by the fourth turn, that is, without going through the process of competing for the position.

On 28 January 2021, Pablo was ordered to voluntarily enter prison within ten days to serve the nine-month and one day sentence. The order was made public by the artist himself. On the same day the President of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in Strasbourg, Róbert Ragnar Spanó, issued a warning to Spain that the Strasbourg doctrine on the rights in cases of criticism of ″public personas″ is ″clear″, quoting from two other Spanish cases where the ECHR ruled that Spanish sentences had been disproportionately harsh. Spanó explained that “public office holders, ministers, kings – because of the public nature of their functions – must accept wider ranges of criticism“.

On 6 February a thousand people gathered in the Plaza Jacinto Benavente in Madrid in solidarity with Pablo and in defence of freedom of expression and conscience with dozens of riot police vans and police armed with rifles in front of the gathering. On 12 February 2021, the day of his deadline to go to prison, Pablo released the song, Ni Felipe VI, ironically dedicating it to “the misnamed progressive [PSOE-Podemos] government which has perpetuated repression. Feeling nervous as the streets fill up for freedom of expression, they have promised to do something, trying to stop the mobilization, but only with this will we win this struggle“. The song begins with an intervention by the Spanish king Felipe VI in which he states that “without freedom of expression and information there is no democracy”. Within the first month the song had 1.5 million views on Youtube.

Pablo publicly refused this prison order, and was eventually arrested on 16 February. Pablo, alongside a group of over 50 students, had barricaded himself inside University of Lleida’s rectorate building in protest against his sentence. Pablo‘s freedom was supported by Amnesty International and a letter signed by 300 Spanish artists including Pedro Almodóvar and Javier Bardem, as well as by President of Mexico Andrés Manuel López Obrador, former Bolivian President Evo Morales and Venezuela’s president Nicolás Maduro. Pablo‘s imprisonment led to nights of protests involving thousands of people in cities including Valencia, Madrid and Barcelona. Podemos has likened Pablo‘s case to that of Valtònyc, another Spanish rapper prosecuted by the Spanish judiciary, who fled to Belgium in 2018 after a 312-year prison sentence for writing song lyrics that a court found glorified terrorism and insulted the monarchy. PEN Català published a communiqué – in collaboration with the Catalan Academy of Music, the Association of Catalan Language Writers, the Association of Periodicals in Catalan, Editors.cat, the Fira Literal, Freemuse, the Catalan Publishers’ Guild, Llegir en català, Òmnium; in defense of freedom of expression and for the release of Pablo.

On 1 March 2021, the public prosecutor’s office asked for another five years and three months in prison for Pablo, for incidents that took place on the night of 25 March 2018 in the attempted assault on the Government subdelegation in Lleida in protest against the arrest of Carles Puigdemont a few hours earlier in Germany. Pablo and 10 defendants had the intention, according to the Public Prosecutor’s Office, to disrupt the protection operation and “gain access to the building“, a symbol of the central government in Lleida. The State Attorney’s Office is involved in the case to claim compensation for the material damage, while the Generalitat de Catalunya brought no action against Pablo.

On 22 March 2021 the Council published the Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatović, letter addressed to the Minister of Justice of Spain. It stated that – in addition to the lack of legal clarity – Spanish courts in Madrid had not explained in such cases whether the denounced “glorification of terrorism really entailed the risk of a real, concrete and immediate danger“. Only then could anti-terror legislation be used to restrict freedom of expression. With regard to the allegations of lèse-majesté, it stressed that the possibilities for restricting freedom of expression here were very limited, “especially when it comes to politicians, public officials and other public figures”. It called for “comprehensive” legislative changes to strengthen freedom of expression in line with the European Convention on Human Rights. And the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission) also requested Spain to reform its Law on Citizen Security of 2015 because of its repressive potential.

In November 2023, the European Court of Human Rights declined Pablo‘s application against Spain, stating that it considered his conviction to be proportional, based on relevant and strong enough grounds and addressing a pressing social need. Among other arguments, the institution pointed out that his committal to prison was because of his consecutive sentences and that he had just been sentenced to a fine for his statements regarding Juan Carlos I. The ECHR also justified its ruling by stating that unlike some other defendants whose sentencing by Spanish courts it had criticised previously, Pablo, when making critical statements about the monarchy and police, had not been a representative of a political party but merely a singer and had had time to consider his utterances rather than speaking on the spur of the moment; he had also not included evidence for his positions in the tweets and the songs. The Columbia Global Freedom of Expression academic initiative commented that with this ruling, “the Court contracts its own previously established broad scope of protection for political speech in this area” and goes against its own statements in earlier rulings that states should “restrain in the use of criminal proceedings against criticism of political institutions” and use prison sentences as punishment for political speech “only in exceptional circumstances“.

Protests

In the days and weeks after his arrest, a wave of protests occurred in cities across Catalonia and the rest of Spain. Damages in Barcelona were estimated at €1.5 million. Violence was reported in several cities. Nearly 200 people were detained, 200 injured, a Reuters-journalist and a 19-year-old woman, who lost an eye, were among those when agents from the Mossos d’Esquadra fired foam bullets into the crowd. On 1 March, a group of elderly people chained themselves to the Paeria palace, Lleida’s town hall, demanding “an end to the repression of young people” and that agents responsible for wrongful actions be dismissed from the Mossos d’Esquadra.

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Charging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Mental health issues
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Harassment
XArrest
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Home search
 Body search
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
XDetention / Custody
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
  • 00.11.2023 – European Court of Human Rights declines Pablo‘s application against Spain
  • 22.03.2023 – Publication of  Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatović’sletter addressed to the Minister of Justice of Spain. It stated that – in addition to the lack of legal clarity – Spanish courts in Madrid had not explained in such cases whether the denounced “glorification of terrorism really entailed the risk of a real, concrete and immediate danger”
  • 00.03.2021 – Sentenced for assault and obstruction of justice confirmed
  • 01.03.2021 – Public prosecutor’s office asked for another five years and three months in prison for Pablo, for incidents that took place on the night of 25 March 2018 in the attempted assault on the Government subdelegation in Lleida in protest against the arrest of Carles Puigdemont a few hours earlier in Germany
  • 16.02.2021 – Arrested
  • 28.01.2021 – Ordered to voluntarily enter prison within ten days to serve the nine-month and one day sentence
  • 00.06.2020 – Sentenced to 212-year and €2,500 fine for assault and obstruction of justice, namely for kicking and threatening a witness in the October 2017 trial of a policeman
  • 00.06.2020 – Sentenced to six months in prison and a fine of €12,150 for having pushed, insulted and sprayed washing-up liquid at a TV3 journalist
  • 00.09.2019 – Sentence suspended for 3 years by the Audiencia Nacional court on condition that he not reoffend
  • 00.03.2018 – Convicted by Spanish Special Court Audiencia Nacional in Madrid to a two-year prison sentence and a fine of €24,300 for insulting and slandering the Crown and using the King’s image (for which he was ordered to pay a fine), for insulting and slandering State institutions (for which he was also ordered to pay a fine); and for the offence of glorification of terrorism, being aggravated because it was a repeat offence, for which he was sentenced to seven months imprisonment in one song lyrics and in 64 tweets.
  • 00.02.2017 – Convicted of disrespecting authority and fined €530
  • 00.05.2014 – Arrest for being part of a group of around fifteen people that attacked a stall belonging to the Lleida Identitària, linked to the far-right Platform for Catalonia (PxC) party.
  • 00.04.2014 – Two-year prison sentence for the lyrics of ten songs
  • 00.10.2011 – Arrested and bailed for a song titled Democracia, su puta madre

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José Ignacio Barandiarán Urkola, 11.07.1978. Shot dead – San Sebastián

July 11, 1978, at the confluence of San Bartolomé and Cuesta de Aldapeta streets – San Sebastián
18-year-old. Shot in the chest : deceased

José Ignacio Barandiarán Urkola, known as Joseba Barandiaran (Astigarraga, November 11, 1959 – San Sebastián, July 11, 1978), was a young man who lost his life participating in violent incidents against the police during a demonstration of the radical left against the Spanish Transition.

A few days before his death, on July 8, during the Sanfermines in Pamplona, serious incidents took place between the Armed Police and left-wing radicals that provoked riots in the bullring and moved to the surrounding area. Germán Rodríguez, a member of the Revolutionary Communist League (LKI, a party that emerged from ETA), was mortally wounded by a bullet while assaulting a police bus. These events are known as the Sanfermines of 1978 and are considered one of the most violent and well-known episodes of police repression during the Spanish Transition.

As a result of this event, a general political strike was called in the Basque Country and Navarra. Violent incidents occurred in numerous localities in both territories. In one of these protests, held in San Sebastian on Tuesday, July 11, Joseba Barandiaran, a young man of nationalist ideology, was killed.

During a confrontation between the police and demonstrators at the confluence of San Bartolomé and Cuesta de Aldapeta streets in the center of the capital of Gipuzkoa, Barandiaran was mortally wounded by a bullet in the chest and died almost instantly.

A citizen commission, in charge of investigating the facts, accused the Armed Police of being the author of the shots a few months later. The judicial investigations carried out in the following years showed that the shot had come from the ranks of the Public Order Forces, but the Barandiaran case was provisionally dismissed 7 years later as the author of the shots that ended the young man’s life could not be identified. The city council of San Sebastián, the city of San Sebastián, was the only one in charge of the case. The city council of San Sebastián, the city of San Sebastián, was the only one in charge of the case.

The City Council of San Sebastian, in response to requests from numerous residents of Astigarraga, decided on March 14, 1980 to give the name of Joseba Barandiaran to a square in that town (which at that time depended as a neighborhood of San Sebastian). At present, there is still a Joseba Barandiaran Square/Joseba Barandiaran Plaza in Astigarraga.

 

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
XCharging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Mental health issues
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Harassment
 Arrest
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Home search
 Body search
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Detention / Custody
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position

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Victims

Germán Rodríguez Saiz, 08.07.1978. Shot dead – Pamplona

July 8, 1978 – at the intersection of Carlos III Avenue and Roncesvalles Street – Pamplona
23-year-old. Shot in the head : deceased

Germán Rodríguez Saiz was a militant of the radical left-wing formation LKI (Revolutionary Communist League, which emerged from ETA), killed during the 1978 Sanfermines festival by a police shot during the confrontations that took place that day between the radical left and the forces of law and order.

During 1977 and 1978 Spain was undergoing the transition from dictatorship to democracy, and the extreme left and nationalist groups opposed to the Transition were confronted by the police and extreme right-wing elements. In Pamplona these were very convulsive months (pro-amnesty week of 1977 demanding the release of political prisoners with blood crimes -the rest had been released in 1976-, occupation of the City Hall by radicals, frequent riots and attacks on the forces of law and order to force their reaction). On May 9, 1978 a device exploded, injuring four people and causing the death of another. On May 10, the murder of Civil Guard Second Lieutenant José Antonio Eseverri took place in the streets of Pamplona, with knives and kicks after having been disarmed.

Under these circumstances, the 1978 San Fermin festivities began. On July 8, in the Pamplona Bullring, at the end of the bullfight, several peñas of Pamplona came down to the bullring with banners in favor of amnesty. This produced a confrontation (first with shouting and then with blows) with sectors of the public of opposing opinion. The Armed Police broke into the bullring.

The Armed Police burst into the square and fired smoke canisters and rubber balls dispersing those present, except for a group that took refuge in the aisles and responded by throwing objects. The Armed Police in turn responded with live fire, producing 7 bullet wounds (out of a total of 55 wounded treated).

Germán died when he was shot in the head by the police at the intersection of Carlos III Avenue and Roncesvalles Street. Using the excuse that he had unfurled a banner in favor of amnesty after the bullfight, the police entered the bullring and opened fire.

Shoot with all your energy and as hard as you can, you don’t care if you die” was recorded as they ordered. The riots spread throughout the city, and the 23-year-old man was shot dead.

The police fired about 7,000 rounds and 130 bullets during the riots, injuring 150 citizens, eleven of them seriously. No one has ever been prosecuted for the events. A crowd gathered at Rodriguez’s funeral, and Felipe Gonzalez himself was there. Protests spread throughout the Basque Country.

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
XCharging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Mental health issues
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Harassment
 Arrest
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Home search
 Body search
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Detention / Custody
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position

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Jordi Martínez de Foix i Llorenç, 02.12.1977. Shot – Madrid

December 2, 1977 – Madrid
20-year-old. Shot twice by plainclothes police officers at a protest and constantly harrassed at the hospital by the police : a dozen perforations in his small intestine

Jordi Martínez de Foix i Llorenç was a Catalan pro-independence activist and socialist, member of the youth of the Communist Party of Spain.

At the age of fifteen he joined the PCE, an illegal party that advocated street fighting and the independence of several territories of the state, including Catalonia. He participated in dozens of demonstrations. On December 2, 1977, in one of the many demonstrations in which he participated, he was shot twice by plainclothes police officers. Those shots, which caused a dozen perforations in his small intestine. In the hospital, the police harassment against him was constant. He was discharged on May 1, 1978, and that same afternoon he went to a demonstration. Jordi‘s political activity was frenetic.

The investigation was closed because the police said they had opened fire in self-defense,” according to his niece Blanca.

At the end of 1978, without time to recover from the assassination of Gustau Muñoz, which had hit him hard, Jordi was preparing some devices to use on October 15, in memory of President Lluís Companys, who had been shot by Franco’s forces 38 years earlier. Jordi was in a rented apartment he had in Nou Barris, on what was then Carrer Lucena, currently Passeig Verdum. While he was handling the explosives, they exploded in his hands, killing him instantly. It was 9:23 p.m. on October 14; at that time his watch stopped.

In the subsequent investigation they found phosphorus in the apartment, a material that was not used for the explosives that Jordi used (of the Irish type). The fact that the location was a free apartment, known only to Jordi and his family, has always led the family to think of an infiltration within the group; this accusation has led to discussions with some people in the PCE.

On October 30 of that same year, Jordi‘s family, friends and colleagues wanted to pay tribute to him at the Parish of Sant Andreu de Palomar, in Pl. Orfila. At the event, Lluís Maria Xirinacs, Jordi‘s father, people from Socors Català, and other fellow activists were to speak. Hundreds of people approached, but they found the square and the surrounding area occupied by the Spanish police. The family, wanting to avoid more pain, decided not to hold the ceremony, although the priest did not refuse despite the ban.

Already at that event, Jordi was described as a “patriot and communist“. It is for this reason, for his struggle and commitment to the country and the working class, that the Esquerra Independentista considers him one of the fighters who fell in combat and the local assembly of Sant Andreu-Nou Barris d’Endavant, in Barcelona, organizes an annual tribute to him.

Tribute Carles García Solé , a veteran independence activist who was subjected to a court martial with a request for a death sentence in 1972 for his membership in the FAC

“In October, Jordi Martínez de Foix died in an explosion in a flat in Horta. According to the official news, the explosion was accidental, as he was manipulating an artifact when the explosion occurred. According to what we found out, and after taking samples to a trusted laboratory, the explosion was caused and with an explosive component not available to civilians, in other words, everything indicates that it was another post-Franco assassination. 

I met Jordi on Passeig de Maragall, where he lived with his parents and mine. They worked as doormen in the same building, 305 Passeig de Maragall. I had been in exile for more than two years, and the Martínez de Foix family offered me a job with them, at the Escola Barceloneta workshop. That relationship coincided after work when we went down to the Ramblas to demand our rights as people and workers, with Francesc, Jordi, Marc Muñoz, etc.

A few weeks earlier, on September 11, 1978, in a confrontation with the police on Ferran Street, a plainclothes police officer shot and killed young Gustau Muñoz in the back. He was only 16 years old.

Then I started working with the Martínez de Foix. They had a Foundation for disabled boys, There I met Marc Muñoz, Gustavo’s brother. He introduced me to his sister Yolanda, whom I would eventually marry. We lived together for 20 years and had two daughters. The most precious treasure of my life!

My parents worked as doormen on Passeig de Maragall. The Martínez de Foix family lived there or still lives there. I hadn’t seen Jordi for days. One day we met and he told me that he had been arrested – he was a member of the PCE (International) –. As a result of the mistreatment he had been admitted to the hospital, where he had been threatened that the same thing would happen to him as to Gustau Muñoz. He was worried, but he was a fighting person and didn’t take the threats from the BPS seriously.

I had been working at his family’s Foundation for a few days and knew that he had an apartment in the Horta neighborhood, where his organization held meetings and prepared clandestine materials. Suddenly, we received news that Jordi had died as a result of an accidental explosion in the Horta apartment.

After the threats from the BPS, no one believed it had been an accident. I spoke to his family to try to enter the apartment and get samples of the remains of the deflagration. I sent them to a good friend who was politically committed to our cause to analyze them. He worked in the laboratories inside SEAT and the next day he called me to tell me that the analysis had revealed a very high component of white phosphorus that was not normal. It was a substance that was not available to the civilian population, and in any case, it was typical of the army.

At that time, family and friends were holding Jordi‘s funeral at Placa Orfila in Barcelona. My friend and I quickly went there on our motorbikes to give the family the laboratory results. I know that the family has mentioned this, and they are aware that the death of Jordi Martínez de Foix was a murder. One more of many from that damned “Transition“.

Years later I met Francesc Martínez de Foix one day when he was going down to Barcelona to sell eggs in the stores we had arranged. The meeting was cordial. It had been a while since we had seen each other, I think I remember the last time it was at a demonstration on Gran Via, where serious incidents with the police occurred. We were attacked by a group of secret people who came out quite badly.

After remembering those episodes, I brought up the subject of Mikel, a persecuted Basque militant, and the importance of ensuring that he could cross to the other side safely. Francesc proposed a way that seemed to me to be very good. As director of the Foundation, he would organize a coach trip to the French state with the children and the monitors. Mikel would be accredited as another monitor. The problem was convincing the other monitors, which was solved. We did it and there were no problems from the teachers. Everything went smoothly in the Jonquera crossing.

A very fond memory of the more than three months that Mikel spent in the mill of the farmhouse and a great favor from TEB. And from the Martínez de Foix family. I met Mikel in Havana many years later, during the days of the Perpignan affair that made possible the ETA truce in the Catalan Countries, an important act of sovereignty.

Physical violence
 Arrest
 Detention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Electric shocks
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Torture / Inhumane and degrading treatment
 Execution
 Kidnapping
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
XIntimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Mock execution
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
 Charging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Intervention in a private place
 At the police station
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Sleep deprivation
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors

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