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Ayala King, 05.03.2025. Arrested and charged – Atlanta

March 5, 2023 – future Public Safety Training Facility – Atlanta
19-year-old. Arrested and charged with a count of domestic terrorism, aiding and abetting arson: pending trial
Fighting against Cop City

Massachusetts resident Ayla King is accused of storming the DeKalb County construction site of Atlanta Public Safety Training Center in March 2023 with more than 20 other masked activists after a nearby protest concert. Ayla, who faces a sentence of five to 20 years in prison, requested an accelerated trial in late 2023, shortly after their indictment, alongside 60 others charged with domestic terrorism, racketeering, money laundering and other charges (RICO Act). The proceedings dragged on due to a procedural debate over whether the trial began on time. Supporters and defenders of freedom of expression are denouncing the charges, as well as new state laws toughening penalties for people committing “acts of vandalism” during demonstrations.

During the movement to stop Cop City, police randomly arrested Ayla for attending a music festival in Weelaunee Forest alongside several hundred other people. The police were lashing out in response to the act of sabotage that had taken place nearly a mile away at the same time as the festival. Like the other 22 people they randomly arrested at the music festival, the police charged Ayla with domestic terrorism.

According to eyewitness reports, the police detained more people, but they focused on arresting the ones who did not provide home addresses in Atlanta. They presumably did so in order to cherry-pick evidence bearing out the narrative about “outside agitators” that racist police and politicians in the South have employed at least since Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. described this strategy in his “Letter from Birmingham Jail.”

A few months later, along with 60 others, Ayla was additionally charged with violating the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act. At 19 years of age, Ayla bravely filed for speedy trial. Yet it has taken more than two years for the case to come to trial, presumably because the prosecutors have so little to work with.

Version of the Police

Officials say around 5:30 p.m. Sunday, dozens of protesters left the nearby South River Music Festival, changed into black clothing, and entered the site of the controversial proposed police training center.

This was a very violent attack that occurred, this evening very violent attack,” Atlanta Police Chief Darin Schierbaum said near the scene. He called the incident a “coordinated, criminal attack against officers.” “Actions such as this will not be tolerated. When you attack law enforcement officers, when you damage equipment – you are breaking the law,” .

After receiving backup from numerous agencies, Atlanta police fanned out into the woods and detained at least 35 people. Monday, police say they charged 23 of those detained with a count of domestic terrorism.

Late Sunday evening, Atlanta Police released the following statement:

On March 5, 2023, a group of violent agitators used the cover of a peaceful protest of the proposed Atlanta Public Safety Training Center to conduct a coordinated attack on construction equipment and police officers. They changed into black clothing and entered the construction area and began to throw large rocks, bricks, Molotov cocktails, and fireworks at police officers.
The agitators destroyed multiple pieces of construction equipment by fire and vandalism. Multiple law enforcement agencies deployed to the area and detained several people committing illegal activity. 35 agitators have been detained so far.
The illegal actions of the agitators could have resulted in bodily harm. Officers exercised restraint and used non-lethal enforcement to conduct arrests.
With protests planned for the coming days, the Atlanta Police Department, in collaboration with law enforcement partners, have a multi-layered strategy that includes reaction and arrest.
The Atlanta Police Department asks for this week’s protests to remain peaceful. 

No officers were injured in the confrontation. A handful of protestors were treated for minor injuries when officers say they used “non-lethal” force against the group.

The version of the Justice (?)

Judge Kevin Farmer declared a mistrial in Ayla’s RICO case today, as some 80 supporters gathered in the courtroom and rallied outside. The mistrial comes in the wake of two years of delays to Ayla’s case being heard. When charged with RICO in 2023 after being arrested at a Stop Cop City music festival, Ayla was quick to demand a speedy trial and in 2023 a jury was selected under the judge previously presiding over the case, Judge Adams. The jury never even heard opening arguments, as the case was sent to appeals. The court of appeals refused to dismiss Ayala’s charges, but determined that the court proceedings must be public to media (as Judge Adams had refused to allow news media and livestreaming of the court while Ayala’s initial jury was selected).

Due to these procedural issues, Judge Farmer ruled the case a mistrial. In ostensibly protecting one “right,” the right to public court proceedings, Fulton County continues to completely disregard Ayala’s right to a speedy trial. Those familiar with Fulton County, where criminal charges typically take several years to resolve, will find no surprise here. Following the continued, persistent violation of Ayla’s rights, Ayla’s lawyer is appealing the mistrial. This leaves Ayla’s case in limbo. Currently, it is expected that, paradoxically, Ayala’s “speedy trial” will be delayed to September or October, while the trials for other defendants in the RICO case may begin this summer.

Ayla’s case exemplifies the miscarriage of justice in this politically-motivated prosecution. Cases like these are “process as punishment,” in which the stress and resource drain of facing trial for trumped-up charges are intended to diminish activists’ ability to organize. The RICO case itself seeks to frame basic political activity, such as distributing food or attending a protest, as racketeering and political conspiracy.

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Charging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Mental health issues
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Harassment
 Arrest
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Home search
 Body search
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Detention / Custody
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position

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Categories
Victims

Mahsa Jîna Amini, 13.09.2022. Arrested and killed in the police station – Tehran

September 13, 2022 – Tehran
22-year-old. Arrested and beaten up during her transportation : fell into a coma before before dying 3 days later from a cerebral hemorrhage or stroke due to head injuries

Iranian government introduced a mandatory dress code for women after the Iranian Revolution of 1979. On 7 March, less than a month after the revolution, then recently named Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini decreed the hijab (Islamic headscarf) to be mandatory for all women in workplaces. He further decreed that women would no longer be allowed to enter any government office without the hijab, as they would be “naked” without it.

Since then, violence and harassment against women not wearing the hijab in accordance with Iranian government standards, whether by law enforcement personnel or pro-government vigilantes, has been reported. From 1980, women could not enter government or public buildings or attend their workplaces without a hijab. In 1983, mandatory hijab in public was introduced in the penal code, stating that “women who appear in public without religious hijab will be sentenced to whipping up to 74 lashes“. In practice, however, a number of women, such as Saba Kord Afshari and Yasaman Aryani, were sentenced only to heavy prison terms.

Mahsa was born on 21 September 1999 to a Kurdish family in Saqqez, Kurdistan Province, in northwestern Iran. While Mahsa was her Persian given name, her Kurdish name was Jîna, and this was the name her family used.

For Masha, as can be seen from her photos and videos on social media, only the mandatory rules made her wear hijab half-heartedly. She did not observe the hijab in various events such as weddings and wore traditional Kurdish clothes that do not have a hijab. She also partially observed hijab when traveling to tourist areas. This issue caused the moral security officers to arrest her and beat her. This also caused people, especially women and girls, to join her and put away their hijab.

Masha had come to Tehran to visit her brother and on 13 September 2022 she was arrested by the Guidance Patrol at the entry of the Shahid Haghani Expressway in Tehran while in the company of her family. She was then transferred to the custody of Moral Security. Her brother, who was with her when she was arrested, was told she would be taken to the detention center to undergo a “briefing class” and released an hour later.

Masha was beaten by police shortly after her arrest, while in a police van. After she arrived at the police station, she began to lose vision and fainted. Two hours after her arrest, She was taken to Kasra Hospital.It took 30 minutes for the ambulance to arrive, and an hour and a half for her to get to Kasra hospital. Iranian police later denied beating Masha, claiming she had “suffered a sudden heart failure“. Police later stated to her brother that his sister had a heart attack and a brain seizure at the police station to which she had been taken.

For two days, Masha was in a coma in Kasra Hospital in Tehran. On 16 September, journalist Niloofar Hamedi (later arrested) broke the story of her coma, posting to Twitter a photo of Masha‘s father and grandmother crying and embracing in the hospital hallway. She died in the intensive care unit later that day. The clinic where she was treated released a statement on Instagram saying that she had already been brain dead when she had been admitted around 13 September. By 19 September, the post had been deleted.

On 17 September, the police chief of Tehran stated that the grounds of Masha‘s arrest were wearing her headscarf improperly and for wearing tight pants.

Published hospital pictures show Mahsa Amini bleeding from the ear and with bruises under her eyes. In an 18 September letter, Doctor Hossein Karampour (the top medical official in Hormozgan province), pointed out that such symptoms “do not match the reasons given by some authorities who declared the cause to be a heart attack… (they are instead consistent with) a head injury and the resulting bleeding.” This was also confirmed by alleged medical scans of her skull, leaked by hacktivists, showing bone fracture, hemorrhage, and brain edema.

By 19 September, police had released CCTV footage showing a woman, who they identified as Masha, talking with an official. In the footage, the official grabs her clothing, and Masha holds her head with her hands and collapses. Her father dismissed the footage as an “edited version” of events. Her brother noticed bruises on her head and legs. The women who were detained with her said she had been severely beaten for resisting the insults and curses of the arresting officers.

According to Iran International, the Iranian government was forging fake medical records for Masha, showing that she had a history of heart disease. On 20 September, Massoud Shirvani, a neurosurgeon, stated on state-owned television that she had a brain tumor that was extracted at the age of eight.

By 21 September, the hospital had released preliminary CT scans. Government supporters stated the CT scans showed psychological stress caused by a previous brain operation; critics stated the scans showed physical beating and trauma. The Iranian government stated Masha had a brain operation at the age of five.

Regarding various government claims, Mahsa‘s father Amjad Amini told the BBC around 22 September that “they are lying… She never had any medical conditions, she never had surgery.” (Two classmates, interviewed by the BBC, said that they weren’t aware of Mahsa ever being in hospital.) Amjad said he had not been allowed to view his daughter‘s autopsy report. He denied that Mahsa had been in bad health. “I asked them to show me the body-cameras of the security officers, they told me the cameras were out of battery.” Iranian authorities had charged that Mahsa was wearing immodest clothes when arrested; Amjad rejected this claim, stating that she always wore a long overcoat. Amjad said he was repeatedly prevented by medical staff from seeing his daughter‘s body after her death: “I wanted to see my daughter, but they wouldn’t let me in”, and charged that when he asked to see the autopsy report, he was told by the doctor: “I will write whatever I want and it has nothing to do with you.” Amjad saw the body after it had been wrapped for the funeral, and noticed bruises on her feet, but could not see the rest of the body due to the wrapping. Iranian authorities denied any head injuries or internal injuries.

According to Iran International, on 29 September an audio file was released by a former commander of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Corps, which reported unnamed “reliable sources” saying that the reason for Mahsa‘s death was an injury to her skull and that the injury was the result of a severe beating.

The Amini family’s lawyer, Saleh Nikbakht, told the Etemad online news website that “respectable doctors” believe Mahsa was hit while in custody. Nikbakht also said the family wants a fact-finding committee to probe her death, and that police footage filmed after her arrest should be handed over.

By 2 October, Masha‘s family had acknowledged that she had an operation for a minor neurological condition (possibly a brain tumor) at the age of eight, but said it had been under control through levothyroxine (a medication to treat hypothyroidism), and that her doctors had recently given her the all-clear. Citing medical specialists they had consulted, the family stated the condition was unrelated to Masha‘s death.

A 7 October coroner’s report stated that her death was “not caused by blows to the head and limbs” and instead linked her death to pre-existing medical conditions, ruling that she had died from multiple organ failure caused by cerebral hypoxia. The report stated Masha had had a brain tumor operation when she was eight. The report did not say whether she had suffered any injuries.

In a 13 October letter, over 800 members of Iran’s Medical Council accused the head of Iran’s Medical Council of assisting in a government cover-up of the cause of Mahsa‘s death.

In an 8 December article, Der Spiegel confirmed with Masha‘s grandfather that she had a brain tumor removed when she was an elementary school student. Her grandfather emphasized that the tumor was benign, and stated that she never had any health problems since the operation. Der Spiegel also relayed a report from one her two cousins present at Masha‘s arrest, stating that she had been forced into the arrest vehicle by the morality police.

Physical violence
X
Arrest
 Detention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 XKicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Electric shocks
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Execution
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Mock execution
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
XFailure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
 Charging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Intervention in a private place
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
XLies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Sleep deprivation
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors
  • 16.09.2022 – Death of Masha
  • 13.09.2022 – Arrest and beating of Masha
  • Lawyer : Saleh Nikbakht
  • Collective :
  • Donations :
Categories
Victims

Pablo Rivadulla Duró, 16.02.2021. Arrested – Lleida

February 16, 2021 – University of Lleida
33-year-old. Arrested, convicted, jailed

Pablo Rivadulla Duró (born 9 August 1988), known artistically as Pablo Hasél, is a Catalan rapper, writer, poet, and political activist. His songs and actions, often controversial and in support of far-left politics, have led to a number of criminal charges and convictions in his country. In June 2020 he was sentenced to six months in prison for pushing and spraying washing-up liquid at a TV3 journalist and to two and a half years for kicking and threatening a witness in the trial of a policeman. He was imprisoned on 16 February 2021 on a nine-month sentence for recidivism in insulting the Spanish monarchy, insulting the Spanish army and police forces, and praising terrorism and banned groups. This has been labeled an attack on free speech by certain groups both in Spain and overseas, including Amnesty International, and led to numerous protests and riots.

In October 2011, Pablo was arrested and bailed for a song titled Democracia, su puta madre in which he praised Manuel Pérez MartínezCamarada Arenas“, the former secretary general of the PCE(r), who was sentenced to 17 years in prison for belonging to the terrorist group GRAPO. In April 2014, Pablo was given a two-year prison sentence for the lyrics of ten songs in praise of GRAPO, ETA, Al-Qaeda the Red Army Faction and Terra Lliure, and threats against leading politicians like José Bono or Patxi Lopez.

The Audiencia Nacional court suspended his entry into prison for three years in September 2019, on condition that he not reoffend, since the sentence was less than two years. Pablo violated this condition by continuing to sing and tweet. Pablo has denied that he supports Al-Qaeda or that it was listed among the groups he was charged with supporting.

In May 2014, Pablo was arrested for being part of a group of around fifteen people that attacked a stall belonging to the Lleida Identitària, linked to the far-right Platform for Catalonia (PxC) party.

In November 2014, Hasél released a song called “Menti-ros” which included several depictions of shooting, stabbing or bombing the mayor of Lleida, Àngel Ros. He was charged with making threats. In February 2017 he was convicted of disrespecting authority, after the court concluded that the song did not meet the legal definition of a threat. He was fined €530.

In June 2016, Pablo pushed, insulted and sprayed washing-up liquid at a TV3 journalist. He received six months in prison and a fine of €12,150 in June 2020. A few days after the court ruling and as a result of it, a group of unknown individuals attacked the headquarters of TV3 in Lleida. In the same month, he received a 212-year sentence and €2,500 fine for assault and obstruction of justice, namely for kicking and threatening a witness in the October 2017 trial of a policeman eventually acquitted of assaulting a minor, accusing him of providing false testimony. This sentence was confirmed in 2021, days after his imprisonment.

In a February 2018 interview, Pablo defended his support of the Catalan Republic, and developed his position on free speech: “I will not be a hypocrite, I do not defend freedom of expression in the abstract. I do not defend the freedom of expression of a pedophile or a Nazi to say that homosexuals should be killed. Precisely, I fight against that. […] I stand for freedom of expression to fight for democratic rights.” Later on, in another interview, in March 2018 Pablo said he was unable to find work due to his criminal convictions that disqualified him from the public sector for ten years, and that his last work had been grape picking in France.

In March 2018, Pablo was convicted by Spanish Special Court Audiencia Nacional in Madrid to a two-year prison sentence and a fine of €24,300 for insulting and slandering the Crown and using the King’s image (for which he was ordered to pay a fine), for insulting and slandering State institutions (for which he was also ordered to pay a fine); and for the offence of glorification of terrorism, being aggravated because it was a repeat offence, for which he was sentenced to seven months imprisonment in one song lyrics and in 64 tweets. The song was titled Juan Carlos el Bobón, which roughly translates as Juan Carlos the Clown, a wordplay on the former king’s actual name, Juan Carlos de Borbón. In the song, Pablo recounts the former king’s numerous scandals in a chronological order. Many of his 64 incriminated tweets were actually about police violence and a lack of accountability in that area. In one of those tweets used in the court case Pablo wrote that Joseba Arregi Izagirre, a 1981 accused ETA member, was tortured to death in a Madrid prison; pointing out this fact was part of the evidence used to claim he supported terrorism.] An appeals judge later reduced his jail term to nine months and one day because his social media remarks did “not pose a real risk” to anyone. This decision was ultimately upheld by the Supreme Court of Spain in May 2020; both rulings were hugely controversial rulings.

One of the judges of the Spanish Special Court Audiencia Nacional in Madrid who sentenced Pablo was Nicolás Poveda Peña, who was an active member of the fascist Falange, the political movement of dictator Franco, and ran for election on the lists of the Falange Party – Poveda was appointed judge by the fourth turn, that is, without going through the process of competing for the position.

On 28 January 2021, Pablo was ordered to voluntarily enter prison within ten days to serve the nine-month and one day sentence. The order was made public by the artist himself. On the same day the President of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in Strasbourg, Róbert Ragnar Spanó, issued a warning to Spain that the Strasbourg doctrine on the rights in cases of criticism of ″public personas″ is ″clear″, quoting from two other Spanish cases where the ECHR ruled that Spanish sentences had been disproportionately harsh. Spanó explained that “public office holders, ministers, kings – because of the public nature of their functions – must accept wider ranges of criticism“.

On 6 February a thousand people gathered in the Plaza Jacinto Benavente in Madrid in solidarity with Pablo and in defence of freedom of expression and conscience with dozens of riot police vans and police armed with rifles in front of the gathering. On 12 February 2021, the day of his deadline to go to prison, Pablo released the song, Ni Felipe VI, ironically dedicating it to “the misnamed progressive [PSOE-Podemos] government which has perpetuated repression. Feeling nervous as the streets fill up for freedom of expression, they have promised to do something, trying to stop the mobilization, but only with this will we win this struggle“. The song begins with an intervention by the Spanish king Felipe VI in which he states that “without freedom of expression and information there is no democracy”. Within the first month the song had 1.5 million views on Youtube.

Pablo publicly refused this prison order, and was eventually arrested on 16 February. Pablo, alongside a group of over 50 students, had barricaded himself inside University of Lleida’s rectorate building in protest against his sentence. Pablo‘s freedom was supported by Amnesty International and a letter signed by 300 Spanish artists including Pedro Almodóvar and Javier Bardem, as well as by President of Mexico Andrés Manuel López Obrador, former Bolivian President Evo Morales and Venezuela’s president Nicolás Maduro. Pablo‘s imprisonment led to nights of protests involving thousands of people in cities including Valencia, Madrid and Barcelona. Podemos has likened Pablo‘s case to that of Valtònyc, another Spanish rapper prosecuted by the Spanish judiciary, who fled to Belgium in 2018 after a 312-year prison sentence for writing song lyrics that a court found glorified terrorism and insulted the monarchy. PEN Català published a communiqué – in collaboration with the Catalan Academy of Music, the Association of Catalan Language Writers, the Association of Periodicals in Catalan, Editors.cat, the Fira Literal, Freemuse, the Catalan Publishers’ Guild, Llegir en català, Òmnium; in defense of freedom of expression and for the release of Pablo.

On 1 March 2021, the public prosecutor’s office asked for another five years and three months in prison for Pablo, for incidents that took place on the night of 25 March 2018 in the attempted assault on the Government subdelegation in Lleida in protest against the arrest of Carles Puigdemont a few hours earlier in Germany. Pablo and 10 defendants had the intention, according to the Public Prosecutor’s Office, to disrupt the protection operation and “gain access to the building“, a symbol of the central government in Lleida. The State Attorney’s Office is involved in the case to claim compensation for the material damage, while the Generalitat de Catalunya brought no action against Pablo.

On 22 March 2021 the Council published the Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatović, letter addressed to the Minister of Justice of Spain. It stated that – in addition to the lack of legal clarity – Spanish courts in Madrid had not explained in such cases whether the denounced “glorification of terrorism really entailed the risk of a real, concrete and immediate danger“. Only then could anti-terror legislation be used to restrict freedom of expression. With regard to the allegations of lèse-majesté, it stressed that the possibilities for restricting freedom of expression here were very limited, “especially when it comes to politicians, public officials and other public figures”. It called for “comprehensive” legislative changes to strengthen freedom of expression in line with the European Convention on Human Rights. And the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission) also requested Spain to reform its Law on Citizen Security of 2015 because of its repressive potential.

In November 2023, the European Court of Human Rights declined Pablo‘s application against Spain, stating that it considered his conviction to be proportional, based on relevant and strong enough grounds and addressing a pressing social need. Among other arguments, the institution pointed out that his committal to prison was because of his consecutive sentences and that he had just been sentenced to a fine for his statements regarding Juan Carlos I. The ECHR also justified its ruling by stating that unlike some other defendants whose sentencing by Spanish courts it had criticised previously, Pablo, when making critical statements about the monarchy and police, had not been a representative of a political party but merely a singer and had had time to consider his utterances rather than speaking on the spur of the moment; he had also not included evidence for his positions in the tweets and the songs. The Columbia Global Freedom of Expression academic initiative commented that with this ruling, “the Court contracts its own previously established broad scope of protection for political speech in this area” and goes against its own statements in earlier rulings that states should “restrain in the use of criminal proceedings against criticism of political institutions” and use prison sentences as punishment for political speech “only in exceptional circumstances“.

Protests

In the days and weeks after his arrest, a wave of protests occurred in cities across Catalonia and the rest of Spain. Damages in Barcelona were estimated at €1.5 million. Violence was reported in several cities. Nearly 200 people were detained, 200 injured, a Reuters-journalist and a 19-year-old woman, who lost an eye, were among those when agents from the Mossos d’Esquadra fired foam bullets into the crowd. On 1 March, a group of elderly people chained themselves to the Paeria palace, Lleida’s town hall, demanding “an end to the repression of young people” and that agents responsible for wrongful actions be dismissed from the Mossos d’Esquadra.

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Charging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Mental health issues
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Harassment
XArrest
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Home search
 Body search
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
XDetention / Custody
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
  • 00.11.2023 – European Court of Human Rights declines Pablo‘s application against Spain
  • 22.03.2023 – Publication of  Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatović’sletter addressed to the Minister of Justice of Spain. It stated that – in addition to the lack of legal clarity – Spanish courts in Madrid had not explained in such cases whether the denounced “glorification of terrorism really entailed the risk of a real, concrete and immediate danger”
  • 00.03.2021 – Sentenced for assault and obstruction of justice confirmed
  • 01.03.2021 – Public prosecutor’s office asked for another five years and three months in prison for Pablo, for incidents that took place on the night of 25 March 2018 in the attempted assault on the Government subdelegation in Lleida in protest against the arrest of Carles Puigdemont a few hours earlier in Germany
  • 16.02.2021 – Arrested
  • 28.01.2021 – Ordered to voluntarily enter prison within ten days to serve the nine-month and one day sentence
  • 00.06.2020 – Sentenced to 212-year and €2,500 fine for assault and obstruction of justice, namely for kicking and threatening a witness in the October 2017 trial of a policeman
  • 00.06.2020 – Sentenced to six months in prison and a fine of €12,150 for having pushed, insulted and sprayed washing-up liquid at a TV3 journalist
  • 00.09.2019 – Sentence suspended for 3 years by the Audiencia Nacional court on condition that he not reoffend
  • 00.03.2018 – Convicted by Spanish Special Court Audiencia Nacional in Madrid to a two-year prison sentence and a fine of €24,300 for insulting and slandering the Crown and using the King’s image (for which he was ordered to pay a fine), for insulting and slandering State institutions (for which he was also ordered to pay a fine); and for the offence of glorification of terrorism, being aggravated because it was a repeat offence, for which he was sentenced to seven months imprisonment in one song lyrics and in 64 tweets.
  • 00.02.2017 – Convicted of disrespecting authority and fined €530
  • 00.05.2014 – Arrest for being part of a group of around fifteen people that attacked a stall belonging to the Lleida Identitària, linked to the far-right Platform for Catalonia (PxC) party.
  • 00.04.2014 – Two-year prison sentence for the lyrics of ten songs
  • 00.10.2011 – Arrested and bailed for a song titled Democracia, su puta madre

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Caron Nazario, 05.12.2020. Gassed and pushed to the ground at gun point – Windsor (VA)

December 5, 2020 – Windsor (VA)
27-year old. Pepper-sprayed repeatedly at point blank and forced to the ground at gun point

The Black and Latino lieutenant in the U.S. Army Medical Corps was driving to Petersburg, Va, and was wearing his Army uniform at the time, when he saw police lights flashing behind him. He drove to the gas station about a mile away to avoid pulling over on a dark road after he noticed a police car flashing its lights at him, so that he could be somewhere public and well lit while he interacted with them. He pulled over and placed his cellphone on his dashboard, as shown on the video.

Officer Daniel Crocker initiated the traffic stop because he believed that Caron’s SUV lacked a rear license plate, though a temporary tag is visible in officers’ body camera footage, according to the complaint. A police narrative filed as an exhibit in the lawsuit filed by Caron alleges that since the vehicle lacked plates, had dark tinted windows, and took a long time to stop after it traveled a short distance to a well-lit BP gas station before pulling over, the encounter was treated as a high-risk traffic stop.

Immediately, Windsor police officers Joe Gutierrez and Daniel Crocker can be heard yelling orders at him, while Caron remains calm and unthreatening:

Off. Guttierez: Keep your hands outside the window!
Caron Nazario: My hands are right here. What’s going on?
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car now!
Off. Crocker: Get out of the car!
Off. Guttierez: Now!
Caron Nazario: What’s going on?
Off. Crocker: Get out the car!
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car now! Get out of the car now!
Caron Nazario: I’m serving this country, and this is how I’m treated?
Off. Guttierez: You know what? Guess what. I’m a veteran, too. I learned how to obey!
Caron Nazario: That’s —
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car!
Caron Nazario: What’s going on?
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car now!
Caron Nazario: What’s going on?
Off. Guttierez: What’s going on? You’re fixin’ to ride the lightning, son.
Caron Nazario: I’m sorry. What?
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car now!
Caron Nazario: What’s going on?
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car now! Get out of the car!
Off. Crocker: Sir, just get out the car. Work with us, and we’ll talk to you. Get out the car.
Off. Guttierez: You received an order. Obey it!
Caron Nazario: I’m — I’m honestly afraid to get out. Can I ask you what’s going —
Off. Guttierez: Yeah, you should be! Get out!
Caron Nazario: What’s going on?
Off. Guttierez: Get out!
Caron Nazario: What did I do?
Off. Crocker: Get out the car.
Off. Guttierez: Get out now!
Caron Nazario: I have not committed any crimes.
Off. Guttierez: You’re being stopped for a traffic violation. You’re not cooperating. At this point right now you’re under arrest for —
Caron Nazario: For a traffic —
Off. Guttierez: You’re being detained, OK? You’re being detained for obstruction of justice.
Caron Nazario: For a traffic violation, I do not have to be out the vehicle.
Off. Guttierez: Really?
Caron Nazario: You haven’t even told me why I’m being stopped.
Off. Guttierez: Really?
Caron Nazario: Get your hands —
Off. Guttierez: Get out! Get out of the car now! Get out of the car!
Caron Nazario: Get your hands off of me, please.
Off. Guttierez: Get out.
Caron Nazario: Get your hands off me.
Off. Guttierez: You know what?
Caron Nazario: Get your hands off me.
Off. Guttierez: Not a problem.
Caron Nazario: Get your hands off me.
Off. Guttierez: Back up, Daniel.
Caron Nazario: I didn’t do anything. Don’t do that.
Off. Crocker: Sir!
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car now!
Caron Nazario: Don’t do that.
Off. Crocker: Hey! Stop.
Caron Nazario: Don’t do that.
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car now!
Off. Crocker: Sir, look.
Caron Nazario: Don’t do — I’m trying to talk to you.
Off. Guttierez: Get out!
Off. Crocker: OK.
Caron Nazario: I’m trying to talk to you.
Off. Crocker: I’m going to talk to you.
Off. Guttierez: Get out!
Off. Crocker: Just get out of the car.
Caron Nazario: Relax. Can you please relax?
Off. Guttierez: Get out!
Caron Nazario: Can you please relax?
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car right now! Now!
Caron Nazario: This is not how you treat a vet. I’m actively serving this country, and this is how you’re going to treat me?
Off. Guttierez: Back up, Daniel.
Caron Nazario: I didn’t do anything.
Off. Guttierez: I got him.
Caron Nazario: Whoa! Hold on! What’s going — hold on. Watch it.
Off. Crocker: [inaudible] deployed.
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car! Get out of the car now!
Caron Nazario: That’s [bleep] up. That’s [bleep] up.
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car now!
Off. Crocker: Sir, just get out of the car!
Caron Nazario: I’m trying to breathe.
Off. Guttierez: Get out of the car now!
Caron Nazario: That’s [bleep] up. That’s really [bleep] up.
Off. Guttierez: Get — open — get out of the car and get on the ground now, or you’re going to get it again!
Caron Nazario: I don’t even want to reach for my seat belt.

Caron was then pepper-sprayed at point-blank range by officer Guttierez, then forced to the ground and handcuffed. Caron’s hands remained up as he coughed and pleaded with the officers to undo his seatbelt and make sure his dog, Smoke, was not choking in the back. Liquid from the spray dripped down his hands and face. Once Caron was in handcuffs, the officers pulled him up and began to interrogate him. Medics also responded to provide assistance to him, who said his eyes were burning.

The video was released nearly four months after the actual incident and became viral with millions of views.

Later, Caron was threatened with charges that could have destroyed his military career if he tried to seek redress, according to the lawsuit. The officers allegedly told him he could leave without charges if he would just “chill and let this go.”

He was terrified that if he was going to move his hands below where Officer Gutierrez could have seen them to undo that seatbelt, they would have murdered him,” said Jonathan Arthur, attorney for Caron Nazario. Arthur said that Caron had good reason to fear for his life: guns were drawn when police approached his car, and officers gave him conflicting demands, he said. In body camera footage, Gutierrez is heard telling him he was “fixin’ to ride the lightning, son,” which the lawsuit describes as a “colloquial expression for an execution,” particularly in reference to the electric chair.

He’s seeking $1 million in compensatory damages, claiming the two officers violated his rights guaranteed under the First and Fourth Amendments. The suit, filed in US District Court and first reported by the Virginian-Pilot, claims the officers used excessive force during the stop in December. Caron also accused the officers of threatening to destroy his military career by charging him with multiple crimes if he complained about their conduct.

Physical violence
X
Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
XUse of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
XCharge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
XThreat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Charging without warning
 Car chase
XCalls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Violence by fellow police officers
XPassivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
  • 04.12.2021 – Virginia Attorney General Mark Herring sends a request for information to the Windsor Police Department (WPD), calling the manner in which the officers conducted themselves “dangerous, unnecessary, unacceptable and avoidable.”
  • 04.11.2021 – Officer Joe Guttierez terminated following a Windsor City Police Department investigation that determined Windsor Police Department policy was not followed.
  • 04.08.2021 – Bodycam footage released on YouTube.
  • 04.02.2021 – Lawsuit filed against the two Officers for violating Caron Nazario’s constitutionnal rights.
  • 12.05.2020 – Aggression

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  • Lawyer : Jonathan Arthur
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Rickia Young, 27.10.2020. Assaulted and separated from child – Philadelphia (PA)

October 27, 2020 – Chestnut StreetPhiladelphia (PA)
28-year old. Assaulted, arrested and separated her from her child : traumatized, internal injuries, Her nephew had broken bones in his hand and a large welt on his head

Rickia Young, a Black mother, was attacked by a horde of Philadelphia police officers while she was driving an SUV with her 2-year-old son and teenage nephew on October 27 as the city was engulfed in protest over the police killing of Walter Wallace Jr. earlier that day.

Officers descended on the vehicle, broke its windows, assaulted and arrested her and separated her from her child. Rickia’s arrest went viral due to a shocking video of the police swarming her vehicle, and after the National Fraternal Order of Police — the country’s largest police union — posted a photo of her 2-year-old on social media, falsely claiming he “was lost during the violent riots in Philadelphia, wandering around barefoot in an area that was experiencing complete lawlessness.”

More than a month after the police attack, Rickia Young is demanding the officers involved be fired. “The police have not offered an explanation as to why they acted the way they did that night. They responded instead with a police investigation into Rickia,” says Kevin Mincey, her attorney.

“Once I got close enough to see the cops, I stopped. Like, I stopped right there. I was trying to turn around. But it was like people came inside the street and was up there throwing stuff at the cops.

Next you know, the cops started charging, started running. My nephew was saying, “Lock the doors! Lock the doors!” because they was banging on the car, saying mean things: “Turn this F-ing car around!” and “Get out the F-ing car!” And they had yanked my door open. But by that time, they had busted the back window. They pulled me out the car, and they busted the other window.

I was up there yelling at them, like, “My son is in the car! My son is in the car!” And once they busted that window, they had woke him up. And they was up there, like, doing whatever they was doing to me, hitting me, throwing me, macing me. My son, the look on his face, he was petrified. Petrified.

I was asking, like, “What’s going on?” like, you know, “Where’s my son? Where’s my son?” like screaming, like trying to find my son. The officer had the nerve to tell me, “He’s in a better place: DHS.” You can say anything you want about me, but calling me — like, saying something like that to me is an insult. They, as a whole, the Philadelphia Police Department, treated me as if I was an animal on the street. An animal don’t even deserve that.

He is petrified. And he’s only 2 years old. My mom and my nephew asked him what happened. He was saying, ‘[bleep] car. [bleep] door. Open door,’ and up there banging his hand, like as if — like, you know, the cops was banging on the car. He just kept repeating it like he’s still trying to tell the story. Like, he acts out. He bite his nails. He pull his hair now. He never did those things before. He’s traumatized. He is going through something. He knows words, but, you know, he can’t express to me how he’s feeling.”

According to her lawyer, “They held her vehicle — first, after losing her vehicle, not knowing where it was for several days, according to what they told us. And when they finally recovered it three or four days later, none of her belongings were inside. The hearing aids were gone. Her purse, her wallet were gone. And the car had even more damage than when she last saw it after they had smashed out all the windows.[There has been no — there has been no explanation. The only thing that they’ve even tried to do is kind of workshop a story where they were going to accuse her of trying to assault a police officer. That was done after they had taken her into custody. When Rickia was in the hospital and being held at police headquarters, on her wristband it referenced assault on police.

But you can see from the videos that were taken that night that Rickia’s car never moved that night. When she came down Chestnut Street and started to turn and turn around, she stopped right there. She didn’t back up, because there were people behind her. There were people running towards her. She didn’t do anything to try and assault an officer. And that’s ultimately, I think, why they ultimately chose not to charge her criminally, because they had no evidence to support such a charge.

Fortunately for Rickia, there were two young women who were in the paddy wagon with her that night, and one of the women still had her cellphone on her, incredibly. And so, Rickia was able to get the young lady to call her sister, and Rickia was able to tell her sister and her mother then what happened out there on 52nd Street that night. And then her mother and her sister went out to 52nd Street to question the police.

At first, the police acted as though they didn’t know what they were talking about. And eventually they directed Rickia’s mother and sister to 15th Street, which is about four miles away from where all this happened — and 15th and JFK, to be exact, which is near where the Department of Human Services is here in Philadelphia.

And when they went down to 15th and JFK, Rickia’s mother found her son sitting in the backseat of a police car still in his car seat. And when she touched his hair, glass fell out of his hair. There was still glass from the car in the car seat. The police were just allowing him to sit in that glass.

Rickia’s son had a large welt on his head. She had internal injuries. Her nephew had broken bones in his hand. So, it’s a slow recovery from the physical injuries and an even slower recovery from the emotional trauma that they’re going to be dealing with probably for the rest of their lives.

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
X
Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
XUse of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
XAggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Charging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
XConfiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
  • 10.28.2020 – Internal Affairs investigation initiated
  • 10.28.2020 – 5 officers placed on desk duty
  • 10.27.2020 – Aggression of Rickia

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[Source: Democracy Now!]