Categories
Uncategorized

Ayala King, 05.03.2025. Arrested and charged – Atlanta

March 5, 2023 – future Public Safety Training Facility – Atlanta
19-year-old. Arrested and charged with a count of domestic terrorism, aiding and abetting arson: pending trial
Fighting against Cop City

Massachusetts resident Ayla King is accused of storming the DeKalb County construction site of Atlanta Public Safety Training Center in March 2023 with more than 20 other masked activists after a nearby protest concert. Ayla, who faces a sentence of five to 20 years in prison, requested an accelerated trial in late 2023, shortly after their indictment, alongside 60 others charged with domestic terrorism, racketeering, money laundering and other charges (RICO Act). The proceedings dragged on due to a procedural debate over whether the trial began on time. Supporters and defenders of freedom of expression are denouncing the charges, as well as new state laws toughening penalties for people committing “acts of vandalism” during demonstrations.

During the movement to stop Cop City, police randomly arrested Ayla for attending a music festival in Weelaunee Forest alongside several hundred other people. The police were lashing out in response to the act of sabotage that had taken place nearly a mile away at the same time as the festival. Like the other 22 people they randomly arrested at the music festival, the police charged Ayla with domestic terrorism.

According to eyewitness reports, the police detained more people, but they focused on arresting the ones who did not provide home addresses in Atlanta. They presumably did so in order to cherry-pick evidence bearing out the narrative about “outside agitators” that racist police and politicians in the South have employed at least since Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. described this strategy in his “Letter from Birmingham Jail.”

A few months later, along with 60 others, Ayla was additionally charged with violating the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act. At 19 years of age, Ayla bravely filed for speedy trial. Yet it has taken more than two years for the case to come to trial, presumably because the prosecutors have so little to work with.

Version of the Police

Officials say around 5:30 p.m. Sunday, dozens of protesters left the nearby South River Music Festival, changed into black clothing, and entered the site of the controversial proposed police training center.

This was a very violent attack that occurred, this evening very violent attack,” Atlanta Police Chief Darin Schierbaum said near the scene. He called the incident a “coordinated, criminal attack against officers.” “Actions such as this will not be tolerated. When you attack law enforcement officers, when you damage equipment – you are breaking the law,” .

After receiving backup from numerous agencies, Atlanta police fanned out into the woods and detained at least 35 people. Monday, police say they charged 23 of those detained with a count of domestic terrorism.

Late Sunday evening, Atlanta Police released the following statement:

On March 5, 2023, a group of violent agitators used the cover of a peaceful protest of the proposed Atlanta Public Safety Training Center to conduct a coordinated attack on construction equipment and police officers. They changed into black clothing and entered the construction area and began to throw large rocks, bricks, Molotov cocktails, and fireworks at police officers.
The agitators destroyed multiple pieces of construction equipment by fire and vandalism. Multiple law enforcement agencies deployed to the area and detained several people committing illegal activity. 35 agitators have been detained so far.
The illegal actions of the agitators could have resulted in bodily harm. Officers exercised restraint and used non-lethal enforcement to conduct arrests.
With protests planned for the coming days, the Atlanta Police Department, in collaboration with law enforcement partners, have a multi-layered strategy that includes reaction and arrest.
The Atlanta Police Department asks for this week’s protests to remain peaceful. 

No officers were injured in the confrontation. A handful of protestors were treated for minor injuries when officers say they used “non-lethal” force against the group.

The version of the Justice (?)

Judge Kevin Farmer declared a mistrial in Ayla’s RICO case today, as some 80 supporters gathered in the courtroom and rallied outside. The mistrial comes in the wake of two years of delays to Ayla’s case being heard. When charged with RICO in 2023 after being arrested at a Stop Cop City music festival, Ayla was quick to demand a speedy trial and in 2023 a jury was selected under the judge previously presiding over the case, Judge Adams. The jury never even heard opening arguments, as the case was sent to appeals. The court of appeals refused to dismiss Ayala’s charges, but determined that the court proceedings must be public to media (as Judge Adams had refused to allow news media and livestreaming of the court while Ayala’s initial jury was selected).

Due to these procedural issues, Judge Farmer ruled the case a mistrial. In ostensibly protecting one “right,” the right to public court proceedings, Fulton County continues to completely disregard Ayala’s right to a speedy trial. Those familiar with Fulton County, where criminal charges typically take several years to resolve, will find no surprise here. Following the continued, persistent violation of Ayla’s rights, Ayla’s lawyer is appealing the mistrial. This leaves Ayla’s case in limbo. Currently, it is expected that, paradoxically, Ayala’s “speedy trial” will be delayed to September or October, while the trials for other defendants in the RICO case may begin this summer.

Ayla’s case exemplifies the miscarriage of justice in this politically-motivated prosecution. Cases like these are “process as punishment,” in which the stress and resource drain of facing trial for trumped-up charges are intended to diminish activists’ ability to organize. The RICO case itself seeks to frame basic political activity, such as distributing food or attending a protest, as racketeering and political conspiracy.

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Charging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Mental health issues
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Harassment
 Arrest
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Home search
 Body search
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Detention / Custody
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

Categories
Victims

Aida Rostami, 12.12.2022. Beaten up to her death – Tehran

December 12, 2022 – Tehran
36-year-old. Kidnapped and beaten : deceased

Aida Rostami (Persian: آیدا رستمی) was a 36-year-old Iranian physician who was allegedly kidnapped, fatally beaten, and killed by security forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran for treating protesters who were injured during the Mahsa Amini protests. In light of rising demands and threats on Iranian hospitals and medics to assist security forces in the middle of the protests, Aida has emerged as an inspirational figure among medics associated with the Mahsa Amini protests.

On the evening of Monday, December 12, 2022, at 7:00 p.m., Aida called her mother from the Chamran Hospital, where she was employed. She asked her mother if she needed anything on her way home. However, she did not come home.

The next day, her family received a call from the police station located in the Ekbatan neighborhood of Tehran, requesting that they come to the station. They received a letter notifying them that Aida had passed away as the result of an accident and instructing them to get her dead body from the Forensics Office. Her family saw that her body with a smashed face, a broken arm, and an enucleated left eye. According to the Forensics death report, the cause of death was being hit by a hard object.

When asked about the unexplained hard item, they said that details will be provided later. “The medical examiner told her family that they were ordered not to reveal the true cause of Aida‘s death. They said that she did not die in a car accident, they killed her.” Local sources who examined her dead body told the IranWire on December 16. A member of her family told IranWire, “It is not possible that when you are driving and you get an accident, both of your hands would break, your lower torso gets bruised, and your eye completely comes out.

On December 16, 2022, Mizan, the news agency of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s judicial system, said that Aida‘s lover threw her down a bridge. Iranian authorities have frequently adopted similar storylines for young women who died during the Mahsa Amini protests, such as Nika Shakarami.

Physical violence
 Arrest
 Detention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Electric shocks
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Execution
XKidnapping
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Mock execution
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
 Charging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Intervention in a private place
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
XLies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Sleep deprivation
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

  • Lawyer :
  • Collective :
  • Donations :
Categories
Victims

Atefeh Naami, 22.11.2022. Disappeared then turned up dead – Karaj

September 22, 2022 – Karaj
37-year-old. Disappeared then turned up “suicided” in her appartment 5 days later : deceased

Atefeh Naami (Persian: عاطفه نعامی) was a 37-year-old Iranian woman who disappeared in Karaj on 21 November 2022 during the 2022 Iranian protests following the death of Mahsa Amini. Her family was informed of her death five days later. She had died under suspicious circumstances suspected to involve violence by the repressive forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Finally, on 28 November 2022, she was secretly buried in Behesht Abaad cemetery in Ahvaz by the security officers of the Islamic Republic.

Iranian Human Rights Center quoted Atefeh‘s family and wrote: “Despite the fact that the effects of injuries were evident on Atefeh‘s lifeless body, the security institutions of the Islamic Republic issued an order to bury her immediately.” Mohammad Amin Naami, the brother of Atefeh, has stated in an interview with several media that on Monday, 28 November, his sister’s body was buried by deceiving the family members and in silence. He added: Atefeh‘s lifeless body was secretly buried by the security officers on the morning of Monday, 28 November 2022, while the family was told that the funeral would be at noon.” The injured body of Atefeh  was put under a blanket by the government agents by staging a suicide and putting a water heater gas hose in her mouth and left her on the balcony of her apartment located in Azimiyeh, Karaj. Atefeh‘s family has definitely denied her suicide.

During the Mahsa Amini protests in Iran, Atefeh chanted the slogan of woman, life, freedom on the balcony of her apartment and worked to encourage women to social struggle and get their lost rights. When her sister told her, “Atefeh take care“, she tells her: “My blood is not more colorful than others.”

She distributed the slogan of woman, life, freedom and Mahsa Amini hashtag among the people in handwritten form. The approximate time of her death has been announced by the medical examiner as 21 November 2022. Her damaged body was found on the balcony of her apartment in Azimiyeh, Karaj after five days on 26 November. The government agents had staged suicide and placed her body under a blanket and left her on the balcony of her apartment in Karaj by putting a water heater gas hose in her mouth. Although the marks of injuries were evident on her body, the security agencies ordered her immediate burial in the Behesht Abaad cemetery of Ahvaz, plot 5, row 2

Physical violence
 Arrest
 Detention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Electric shocks
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Execution
 Kidnapping
XDisappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Mock execution
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
 Charging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Intervention in a private place
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
XLies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Sleep deprivation
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

  • Lawyer :
  • Collective :
  • Donations :
Categories
Victims

Sarina Esmailzadeh, 23.09.2022. Beaten up to her death

September 23, 2022 – Gohardasht neighborhood, Karaj
16-year-old. Beaten up: deceased

On 23 September 2022, Iranian teenager Sarina Esmailzadeh (Persian: سارینا اسماعیل‌زاده) died of severe beating on the head by security forces during the Mahsa Amini protests in Karaj, Alborz province, according to human rights organizations. She was 16 years old.

The local Justice Department denied any responsibility for her death, claiming that she died by suicide after jumping from the rooftop of a building, and similar claims were made by the authorities about 16-year-old Nika Shakarami who had also attended the protests and died under suspicious circumstances.

Sarina was also a YouTuber who created videos with her talking about topics such as music, food, and school, as well as restrictions on women in Iran. In one of her videos, after finishing school exams, she stated “Nothing feels better than freedom“. In a YouTube video posted on May 22, she talked about restrictions on women in Iran and a need for freedom. In another video, she said, “We’re not like the previous generation 20 years ago who didn’t know what life was like outside Iran.” In her last video on Telegram, she sang along to “Take Me to Church” by Hozier, and said, “My homeland feels like being in exile“.

On September 23, Sarina is reported to have attended a protest with friends and then did not return home. After her death, her videos were shared online, and the video of her singing along to the Hozier song was widely shared.

According to Amnesty International and Iran Human Rights, Sarina was struck on the head repeatedly with a baton and bled to death. in the Gohardasht neighborhood of Karaj, near her language school where protests were taking place. According to an IHR source, she died before she could be taken anywhere for treatment. The family was notified about her death later that evening by her friends who were with her at the protests. Her family was under pressure from security and intelligence agents to stay silent on the matter, especially in regards to communication with foreign media, and to support the authorities’ version of the events. Similar pressures were exerted on the families of other victims of the protests.

According to Iran International, the Iranian authorities tried to cover up the circumstances of her death. On October 6, after reports spread on social media about her death, an Iranian official said Sarina had died by suicide after jumping from the roof of a building, and that family members of Sarina went to a prosecutor’s office about the social media reports stating Sarina was killed during a protest. On October 7, the government-affiliated Tasnim News Agency aired a video that showed her mother stating Sarina had once attempted suicide with pills. The authenticity of the video of her mother has been disputed.

According to family acquaintances, more than 50 security agents were present at her funeral and prevented video recording. Her mother was quoted to tell every attendant that Sarina fell from a building roof, even without them asking. Her death certificate was taken by the authorities but never returned to the family, whose phones are being monitored. The family’s lawyer was not allowed access to the case file of the investigation into Sarina‘s death, according to IHR.

Sarina‘s phone was never returned to her family, her Telegram channels’ posts were edited after her death to show a depressed image of her with suicide tendencies. Some of her pinned messages were deleted as well. Her Instagram page was initially deleted after her death, but later 13 pages were created in her name, one with her original ID without her old posts. Only her YouTube channel shows an image of a lively happy teenager who loved dancing, music and pizza with a concern for freedom.

Sarina‘s mother repeatedly attempted to retrieve her daughter’s body. She was mocked by security forces, who said that her daughter was a terrorist. After finally seeing Sarina‘s body, some news sources claim that she hanged herself at her home

Physical violence
 Arrest
 Detention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Electric shocks
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
XUse of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Execution
 Kidnapping
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Mock execution
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
 Charging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Intervention in a private place
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
XLies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Sleep deprivation
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

  • Lawyer :
  • Collective :
  • Donations :
Categories
Victims

Pablo Rivadulla Duró, 16.02.2021. Arrested – Lleida

February 16, 2021 – University of Lleida
33-year-old. Arrested, convicted, jailed

Pablo Rivadulla Duró (born 9 August 1988), known artistically as Pablo Hasél, is a Catalan rapper, writer, poet, and political activist. His songs and actions, often controversial and in support of far-left politics, have led to a number of criminal charges and convictions in his country. In June 2020 he was sentenced to six months in prison for pushing and spraying washing-up liquid at a TV3 journalist and to two and a half years for kicking and threatening a witness in the trial of a policeman. He was imprisoned on 16 February 2021 on a nine-month sentence for recidivism in insulting the Spanish monarchy, insulting the Spanish army and police forces, and praising terrorism and banned groups. This has been labeled an attack on free speech by certain groups both in Spain and overseas, including Amnesty International, and led to numerous protests and riots.

In October 2011, Pablo was arrested and bailed for a song titled Democracia, su puta madre in which he praised Manuel Pérez MartínezCamarada Arenas“, the former secretary general of the PCE(r), who was sentenced to 17 years in prison for belonging to the terrorist group GRAPO. In April 2014, Pablo was given a two-year prison sentence for the lyrics of ten songs in praise of GRAPO, ETA, Al-Qaeda the Red Army Faction and Terra Lliure, and threats against leading politicians like José Bono or Patxi Lopez.

The Audiencia Nacional court suspended his entry into prison for three years in September 2019, on condition that he not reoffend, since the sentence was less than two years. Pablo violated this condition by continuing to sing and tweet. Pablo has denied that he supports Al-Qaeda or that it was listed among the groups he was charged with supporting.

In May 2014, Pablo was arrested for being part of a group of around fifteen people that attacked a stall belonging to the Lleida Identitària, linked to the far-right Platform for Catalonia (PxC) party.

In November 2014, Hasél released a song called “Menti-ros” which included several depictions of shooting, stabbing or bombing the mayor of Lleida, Àngel Ros. He was charged with making threats. In February 2017 he was convicted of disrespecting authority, after the court concluded that the song did not meet the legal definition of a threat. He was fined €530.

In June 2016, Pablo pushed, insulted and sprayed washing-up liquid at a TV3 journalist. He received six months in prison and a fine of €12,150 in June 2020. A few days after the court ruling and as a result of it, a group of unknown individuals attacked the headquarters of TV3 in Lleida. In the same month, he received a 212-year sentence and €2,500 fine for assault and obstruction of justice, namely for kicking and threatening a witness in the October 2017 trial of a policeman eventually acquitted of assaulting a minor, accusing him of providing false testimony. This sentence was confirmed in 2021, days after his imprisonment.

In a February 2018 interview, Pablo defended his support of the Catalan Republic, and developed his position on free speech: “I will not be a hypocrite, I do not defend freedom of expression in the abstract. I do not defend the freedom of expression of a pedophile or a Nazi to say that homosexuals should be killed. Precisely, I fight against that. […] I stand for freedom of expression to fight for democratic rights.” Later on, in another interview, in March 2018 Pablo said he was unable to find work due to his criminal convictions that disqualified him from the public sector for ten years, and that his last work had been grape picking in France.

In March 2018, Pablo was convicted by Spanish Special Court Audiencia Nacional in Madrid to a two-year prison sentence and a fine of €24,300 for insulting and slandering the Crown and using the King’s image (for which he was ordered to pay a fine), for insulting and slandering State institutions (for which he was also ordered to pay a fine); and for the offence of glorification of terrorism, being aggravated because it was a repeat offence, for which he was sentenced to seven months imprisonment in one song lyrics and in 64 tweets. The song was titled Juan Carlos el Bobón, which roughly translates as Juan Carlos the Clown, a wordplay on the former king’s actual name, Juan Carlos de Borbón. In the song, Pablo recounts the former king’s numerous scandals in a chronological order. Many of his 64 incriminated tweets were actually about police violence and a lack of accountability in that area. In one of those tweets used in the court case Pablo wrote that Joseba Arregi Izagirre, a 1981 accused ETA member, was tortured to death in a Madrid prison; pointing out this fact was part of the evidence used to claim he supported terrorism.] An appeals judge later reduced his jail term to nine months and one day because his social media remarks did “not pose a real risk” to anyone. This decision was ultimately upheld by the Supreme Court of Spain in May 2020; both rulings were hugely controversial rulings.

One of the judges of the Spanish Special Court Audiencia Nacional in Madrid who sentenced Pablo was Nicolás Poveda Peña, who was an active member of the fascist Falange, the political movement of dictator Franco, and ran for election on the lists of the Falange Party – Poveda was appointed judge by the fourth turn, that is, without going through the process of competing for the position.

On 28 January 2021, Pablo was ordered to voluntarily enter prison within ten days to serve the nine-month and one day sentence. The order was made public by the artist himself. On the same day the President of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in Strasbourg, Róbert Ragnar Spanó, issued a warning to Spain that the Strasbourg doctrine on the rights in cases of criticism of ″public personas″ is ″clear″, quoting from two other Spanish cases where the ECHR ruled that Spanish sentences had been disproportionately harsh. Spanó explained that “public office holders, ministers, kings – because of the public nature of their functions – must accept wider ranges of criticism“.

On 6 February a thousand people gathered in the Plaza Jacinto Benavente in Madrid in solidarity with Pablo and in defence of freedom of expression and conscience with dozens of riot police vans and police armed with rifles in front of the gathering. On 12 February 2021, the day of his deadline to go to prison, Pablo released the song, Ni Felipe VI, ironically dedicating it to “the misnamed progressive [PSOE-Podemos] government which has perpetuated repression. Feeling nervous as the streets fill up for freedom of expression, they have promised to do something, trying to stop the mobilization, but only with this will we win this struggle“. The song begins with an intervention by the Spanish king Felipe VI in which he states that “without freedom of expression and information there is no democracy”. Within the first month the song had 1.5 million views on Youtube.

Pablo publicly refused this prison order, and was eventually arrested on 16 February. Pablo, alongside a group of over 50 students, had barricaded himself inside University of Lleida’s rectorate building in protest against his sentence. Pablo‘s freedom was supported by Amnesty International and a letter signed by 300 Spanish artists including Pedro Almodóvar and Javier Bardem, as well as by President of Mexico Andrés Manuel López Obrador, former Bolivian President Evo Morales and Venezuela’s president Nicolás Maduro. Pablo‘s imprisonment led to nights of protests involving thousands of people in cities including Valencia, Madrid and Barcelona. Podemos has likened Pablo‘s case to that of Valtònyc, another Spanish rapper prosecuted by the Spanish judiciary, who fled to Belgium in 2018 after a 312-year prison sentence for writing song lyrics that a court found glorified terrorism and insulted the monarchy. PEN Català published a communiqué – in collaboration with the Catalan Academy of Music, the Association of Catalan Language Writers, the Association of Periodicals in Catalan, Editors.cat, the Fira Literal, Freemuse, the Catalan Publishers’ Guild, Llegir en català, Òmnium; in defense of freedom of expression and for the release of Pablo.

On 1 March 2021, the public prosecutor’s office asked for another five years and three months in prison for Pablo, for incidents that took place on the night of 25 March 2018 in the attempted assault on the Government subdelegation in Lleida in protest against the arrest of Carles Puigdemont a few hours earlier in Germany. Pablo and 10 defendants had the intention, according to the Public Prosecutor’s Office, to disrupt the protection operation and “gain access to the building“, a symbol of the central government in Lleida. The State Attorney’s Office is involved in the case to claim compensation for the material damage, while the Generalitat de Catalunya brought no action against Pablo.

On 22 March 2021 the Council published the Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatović, letter addressed to the Minister of Justice of Spain. It stated that – in addition to the lack of legal clarity – Spanish courts in Madrid had not explained in such cases whether the denounced “glorification of terrorism really entailed the risk of a real, concrete and immediate danger“. Only then could anti-terror legislation be used to restrict freedom of expression. With regard to the allegations of lèse-majesté, it stressed that the possibilities for restricting freedom of expression here were very limited, “especially when it comes to politicians, public officials and other public figures”. It called for “comprehensive” legislative changes to strengthen freedom of expression in line with the European Convention on Human Rights. And the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission) also requested Spain to reform its Law on Citizen Security of 2015 because of its repressive potential.

In November 2023, the European Court of Human Rights declined Pablo‘s application against Spain, stating that it considered his conviction to be proportional, based on relevant and strong enough grounds and addressing a pressing social need. Among other arguments, the institution pointed out that his committal to prison was because of his consecutive sentences and that he had just been sentenced to a fine for his statements regarding Juan Carlos I. The ECHR also justified its ruling by stating that unlike some other defendants whose sentencing by Spanish courts it had criticised previously, Pablo, when making critical statements about the monarchy and police, had not been a representative of a political party but merely a singer and had had time to consider his utterances rather than speaking on the spur of the moment; he had also not included evidence for his positions in the tweets and the songs. The Columbia Global Freedom of Expression academic initiative commented that with this ruling, “the Court contracts its own previously established broad scope of protection for political speech in this area” and goes against its own statements in earlier rulings that states should “restrain in the use of criminal proceedings against criticism of political institutions” and use prison sentences as punishment for political speech “only in exceptional circumstances“.

Protests

In the days and weeks after his arrest, a wave of protests occurred in cities across Catalonia and the rest of Spain. Damages in Barcelona were estimated at €1.5 million. Violence was reported in several cities. Nearly 200 people were detained, 200 injured, a Reuters-journalist and a 19-year-old woman, who lost an eye, were among those when agents from the Mossos d’Esquadra fired foam bullets into the crowd. On 1 March, a group of elderly people chained themselves to the Paeria palace, Lleida’s town hall, demanding “an end to the repression of young people” and that agents responsible for wrongful actions be dismissed from the Mossos d’Esquadra.

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Charging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Mental health issues
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Harassment
XArrest
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Home search
 Body search
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
XDetention / Custody
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
  • 00.11.2023 – European Court of Human Rights declines Pablo‘s application against Spain
  • 22.03.2023 – Publication of  Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatović’sletter addressed to the Minister of Justice of Spain. It stated that – in addition to the lack of legal clarity – Spanish courts in Madrid had not explained in such cases whether the denounced “glorification of terrorism really entailed the risk of a real, concrete and immediate danger”
  • 00.03.2021 – Sentenced for assault and obstruction of justice confirmed
  • 01.03.2021 – Public prosecutor’s office asked for another five years and three months in prison for Pablo, for incidents that took place on the night of 25 March 2018 in the attempted assault on the Government subdelegation in Lleida in protest against the arrest of Carles Puigdemont a few hours earlier in Germany
  • 16.02.2021 – Arrested
  • 28.01.2021 – Ordered to voluntarily enter prison within ten days to serve the nine-month and one day sentence
  • 00.06.2020 – Sentenced to 212-year and €2,500 fine for assault and obstruction of justice, namely for kicking and threatening a witness in the October 2017 trial of a policeman
  • 00.06.2020 – Sentenced to six months in prison and a fine of €12,150 for having pushed, insulted and sprayed washing-up liquid at a TV3 journalist
  • 00.09.2019 – Sentence suspended for 3 years by the Audiencia Nacional court on condition that he not reoffend
  • 00.03.2018 – Convicted by Spanish Special Court Audiencia Nacional in Madrid to a two-year prison sentence and a fine of €24,300 for insulting and slandering the Crown and using the King’s image (for which he was ordered to pay a fine), for insulting and slandering State institutions (for which he was also ordered to pay a fine); and for the offence of glorification of terrorism, being aggravated because it was a repeat offence, for which he was sentenced to seven months imprisonment in one song lyrics and in 64 tweets.
  • 00.02.2017 – Convicted of disrespecting authority and fined €530
  • 00.05.2014 – Arrest for being part of a group of around fifteen people that attacked a stall belonging to the Lleida Identitària, linked to the far-right Platform for Catalonia (PxC) party.
  • 00.04.2014 – Two-year prison sentence for the lyrics of ten songs
  • 00.10.2011 – Arrested and bailed for a song titled Democracia, su puta madre

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

  • Lawyer :
  • Collective :
  • Donations :
Categories
Victims

Bobby Sands, 1981.05.05. Died on hunger strike in prison – Maze

May 5, 1981 – HM Prison Maze, Northern Ireland
27 year-old. Starved in a hunger strike : deceased

Robert Gerard Sands (Roibeárd Gearóid Ó Seachnasaigh),  9 March 1954 – 5 May 1981 was a member of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) who died on hunger strike while imprisoned at HM Prison Maze in Northern Ireland. Sands helped to plan the 1976 Balmoral Furniture Company bombing in Dunmurry, which was followed by a gun battle with the Royal Ulster Constabulary. He was arrested while trying to escape and sentenced to 14 years for firearms possession.

He was the leader of the 1981 hunger strike in which Irish republican prisoners protested against the removal of Special Category Status. During Sands‘ strike, he was elected to the UK Parliament as an Anti H-Block candidate. His death and those of nine other hunger strikers was followed by a surge of IRA recruitment and activity. International media coverage brought attention to the hunger strikers, and the republican movement in general, attracting both praise and criticism.

Sands was arrested and charged in October 1972 with possession of four handguns found in the house where he was staying. He was convicted in April 1973, sentenced to five years imprisonment, and released in April 1976.

Upon his release, he returned to his family home in West Belfast, and resumed his active role in the Provisional IRA. Sands and Joe McDonnell planned the bombing of the Balmoral Furniture Company in Dunmurry on 14 October 1976. The showroom was destroyed but as the IRA men left the scene there was a gun battle with the Royal Ulster Constabulary. Leaving behind two wounded, Seamus Martin and Gabriel Corbett, the remaining four (Sands, McDonnell, Seamus Finucane, and Sean Lavery) tried to escape by car, but were arrested. One of the revolvers used in the attack was found in the car. On 7 September 1977, the four men were sentenced to 14 years for possession of the revolver. They were not charged with explosive offences.

Immediately after his sentencing, Sands was implicated in a fight and sent to the punishment block in Crumlin Road Prison. The cells contained a bed, a mattress, a chamber pot and a water container. Books, radios and other personal items were not permitted, although a Bible and some Catholic pamphlets were provided. Sands refused to wear a prison uniform, so was kept naked in his cell for twenty-two days without access to bedding from 7.30 am to 8.30 pm each day.

In late 1980, Sands was chosen Officer Commanding of the Provisional IRA prisoners in the Maze Prison, succeeding Brendan Hughes, who was participating in the first hunger strike. Republican prisoners organised a series of protests seeking to regain their previous Special Category Status, which would free them from some ordinary prison regulations. This began with the “blanket protest” in 1976, in which the prisoners refused to wear prison uniforms and wore blankets instead. In 1978, after a number of attacks on prisoners leaving their cells to “slop out” (i.e., empty their chamber pots), this escalated into the “dirty protest“, wherein prisoners refused to wash and smeared the walls of their cells with excrement. Sands wrote about the brutality of Maze prison guards:

“The screws [prison guards] removed me from my cell naked and I was conveyed to the punishment block in a blacked out van. As I stepped out of the van on arrival there they grabbed me from all sides and began punching and kicking me to the ground … they dragged me by the hair across a stretch of hard core rubble to the gate of the punishment block. The full weight of my body recoiled forward again, smashing my head against the corrugated iron covering around the gate.”

The 1981 Irish hunger strike started with Sands refusing food on 1 March 1981. He decided that other prisoners should join the strike at staggered intervals to maximise publicity, with prisoners steadily deteriorating successively over several months. The hunger strike centred on five demands:

  • the right not to wear a prison uniform;
  • the right not to do prison work;
  • the right of free association with other prisoners, and to organise educational and recreational pursuits;
  • the right to one visit, one letter, and one parcel per week;
  • full restoration of remission lost through the protest.

The significance of the hunger strike was the prisoners’ aim of being considered political prisoners as opposed to criminals. Shortly before Sands‘s death, The Washington Post reported that the primary aim of the hunger strike was to generate international publicity.

Sands died on 5 May 1981 in the Maze’s prison hospital after 66 days on hunger strike, aged 27. The original pathologist’s report recorded the hunger strikers’ causes of death as “self-imposed starvation“, amended to simply “starvation” following protests by the dead strikers’ families. The coroner recorded verdicts of “starvation, self-imposed“. Sands was one of 22 Irish republicans (in the 20th century) who died on hunger-strike.

Sands became a martyr to Irish republicans, and the announcement of his death prompted several days of rioting in nationalist areas of Northern Ireland. More than 100,000 people lined the route of Sands‘s funeral from St. Luke’s Catholic Church in Twinbrook, and he was buried in the ‘New Republican Plot’ alongside 76 others.

Physical violence
X
Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
XBlows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
XHair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
XDeprivation during detention (water, food)
XInappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
  • 05.05.1981 – Death of Bobby Sands
  • 01.03.1981Sands starts refusing food
  • 00.00.1978 – Dirty protest
  • 00.09.1977 – Sent to the punishment block in Crumlin Road Prison
  • 07.09.1977 – Sentenced to 14 years for possession of the revolver found in their car, not charged with explosive offences
  • 00.00.1978 – Blanket protest
  • 14.10.1976 – Bombing of the Balmoral Furniture Company in Dunmurry; Sands arrested, along with McDonnell, Seamus Finucane, and Sean Lavery
  • 00.04.1976 – Released
  • 00.04.1973 – Sentenced to five years imprisonment
  • 00.10.1972 – Arrested and charged with possession of four handguns
  • Lawyer :
  • Collective :
  • Donations :
Categories
Victims

José Ignacio Barandiarán Urkola, 11.07.1978. Shot dead – San Sebastián

July 11, 1978, at the confluence of San Bartolomé and Cuesta de Aldapeta streets – San Sebastián
18-year-old. Shot in the chest : deceased

José Ignacio Barandiarán Urkola, known as Joseba Barandiaran (Astigarraga, November 11, 1959 – San Sebastián, July 11, 1978), was a young man who lost his life participating in violent incidents against the police during a demonstration of the radical left against the Spanish Transition.

A few days before his death, on July 8, during the Sanfermines in Pamplona, serious incidents took place between the Armed Police and left-wing radicals that provoked riots in the bullring and moved to the surrounding area. Germán Rodríguez, a member of the Revolutionary Communist League (LKI, a party that emerged from ETA), was mortally wounded by a bullet while assaulting a police bus. These events are known as the Sanfermines of 1978 and are considered one of the most violent and well-known episodes of police repression during the Spanish Transition.

As a result of this event, a general political strike was called in the Basque Country and Navarra. Violent incidents occurred in numerous localities in both territories. In one of these protests, held in San Sebastian on Tuesday, July 11, Joseba Barandiaran, a young man of nationalist ideology, was killed.

During a confrontation between the police and demonstrators at the confluence of San Bartolomé and Cuesta de Aldapeta streets in the center of the capital of Gipuzkoa, Barandiaran was mortally wounded by a bullet in the chest and died almost instantly.

A citizen commission, in charge of investigating the facts, accused the Armed Police of being the author of the shots a few months later. The judicial investigations carried out in the following years showed that the shot had come from the ranks of the Public Order Forces, but the Barandiaran case was provisionally dismissed 7 years later as the author of the shots that ended the young man’s life could not be identified. The city council of San Sebastián, the city of San Sebastián, was the only one in charge of the case. The city council of San Sebastián, the city of San Sebastián, was the only one in charge of the case.

The City Council of San Sebastian, in response to requests from numerous residents of Astigarraga, decided on March 14, 1980 to give the name of Joseba Barandiaran to a square in that town (which at that time depended as a neighborhood of San Sebastian). At present, there is still a Joseba Barandiaran Square/Joseba Barandiaran Plaza in Astigarraga.

 

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
XCharging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Mental health issues
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Harassment
 Arrest
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Home search
 Body search
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Detention / Custody
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

  • Lawyer :
  • Collective :
  • Donations :
1978.07.11_BARANDIARAN.Joeba_San.Sebastian.ESP_2
Categories
Victims

Germán Rodríguez Saiz, 08.07.1978. Shot dead – Pamplona

July 8, 1978 – at the intersection of Carlos III Avenue and Roncesvalles Street – Pamplona
23-year-old. Shot in the head : deceased

Germán Rodríguez Saiz was a militant of the radical left-wing formation LKI (Revolutionary Communist League, which emerged from ETA), killed during the 1978 Sanfermines festival by a police shot during the confrontations that took place that day between the radical left and the forces of law and order.

During 1977 and 1978 Spain was undergoing the transition from dictatorship to democracy, and the extreme left and nationalist groups opposed to the Transition were confronted by the police and extreme right-wing elements. In Pamplona these were very convulsive months (pro-amnesty week of 1977 demanding the release of political prisoners with blood crimes -the rest had been released in 1976-, occupation of the City Hall by radicals, frequent riots and attacks on the forces of law and order to force their reaction). On May 9, 1978 a device exploded, injuring four people and causing the death of another. On May 10, the murder of Civil Guard Second Lieutenant José Antonio Eseverri took place in the streets of Pamplona, with knives and kicks after having been disarmed.

Under these circumstances, the 1978 San Fermin festivities began. On July 8, in the Pamplona Bullring, at the end of the bullfight, several peñas of Pamplona came down to the bullring with banners in favor of amnesty. This produced a confrontation (first with shouting and then with blows) with sectors of the public of opposing opinion. The Armed Police broke into the bullring.

The Armed Police burst into the square and fired smoke canisters and rubber balls dispersing those present, except for a group that took refuge in the aisles and responded by throwing objects. The Armed Police in turn responded with live fire, producing 7 bullet wounds (out of a total of 55 wounded treated).

Germán died when he was shot in the head by the police at the intersection of Carlos III Avenue and Roncesvalles Street. Using the excuse that he had unfurled a banner in favor of amnesty after the bullfight, the police entered the bullring and opened fire.

Shoot with all your energy and as hard as you can, you don’t care if you die” was recorded as they ordered. The riots spread throughout the city, and the 23-year-old man was shot dead.

The police fired about 7,000 rounds and 130 bullets during the riots, injuring 150 citizens, eleven of them seriously. No one has ever been prosecuted for the events. A crowd gathered at Rodriguez’s funeral, and Felipe Gonzalez himself was there. Protests spread throughout the Basque Country.

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
XCharging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Mental health issues
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Harassment
 Arrest
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Home search
 Body search
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Detention / Custody
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

  • Lawyer :
  • Collective :
  • Donations :
Categories
Victims

Jordi Martínez de Foix i Llorenç, 02.12.1977. Shot – Madrid

December 2, 1977 – Madrid
20-year-old. Shot twice by plainclothes police officers at a protest and constantly harrassed at the hospital by the police : a dozen perforations in his small intestine

Jordi Martínez de Foix i Llorenç was a Catalan pro-independence activist and socialist, member of the youth of the Communist Party of Spain.

At the age of fifteen he joined the PCE, an illegal party that advocated street fighting and the independence of several territories of the state, including Catalonia. He participated in dozens of demonstrations. On December 2, 1977, in one of the many demonstrations in which he participated, he was shot twice by plainclothes police officers. Those shots, which caused a dozen perforations in his small intestine. In the hospital, the police harassment against him was constant. He was discharged on May 1, 1978, and that same afternoon he went to a demonstration. Jordi‘s political activity was frenetic.

The investigation was closed because the police said they had opened fire in self-defense,” according to his niece Blanca.

At the end of 1978, without time to recover from the assassination of Gustau Muñoz, which had hit him hard, Jordi was preparing some devices to use on October 15, in memory of President Lluís Companys, who had been shot by Franco’s forces 38 years earlier. Jordi was in a rented apartment he had in Nou Barris, on what was then Carrer Lucena, currently Passeig Verdum. While he was handling the explosives, they exploded in his hands, killing him instantly. It was 9:23 p.m. on October 14; at that time his watch stopped.

In the subsequent investigation they found phosphorus in the apartment, a material that was not used for the explosives that Jordi used (of the Irish type). The fact that the location was a free apartment, known only to Jordi and his family, has always led the family to think of an infiltration within the group; this accusation has led to discussions with some people in the PCE.

On October 30 of that same year, Jordi‘s family, friends and colleagues wanted to pay tribute to him at the Parish of Sant Andreu de Palomar, in Pl. Orfila. At the event, Lluís Maria Xirinacs, Jordi‘s father, people from Socors Català, and other fellow activists were to speak. Hundreds of people approached, but they found the square and the surrounding area occupied by the Spanish police. The family, wanting to avoid more pain, decided not to hold the ceremony, although the priest did not refuse despite the ban.

Already at that event, Jordi was described as a “patriot and communist“. It is for this reason, for his struggle and commitment to the country and the working class, that the Esquerra Independentista considers him one of the fighters who fell in combat and the local assembly of Sant Andreu-Nou Barris d’Endavant, in Barcelona, organizes an annual tribute to him.

Tribute Carles García Solé , a veteran independence activist who was subjected to a court martial with a request for a death sentence in 1972 for his membership in the FAC

“In October, Jordi Martínez de Foix died in an explosion in a flat in Horta. According to the official news, the explosion was accidental, as he was manipulating an artifact when the explosion occurred. According to what we found out, and after taking samples to a trusted laboratory, the explosion was caused and with an explosive component not available to civilians, in other words, everything indicates that it was another post-Franco assassination. 

I met Jordi on Passeig de Maragall, where he lived with his parents and mine. They worked as doormen in the same building, 305 Passeig de Maragall. I had been in exile for more than two years, and the Martínez de Foix family offered me a job with them, at the Escola Barceloneta workshop. That relationship coincided after work when we went down to the Ramblas to demand our rights as people and workers, with Francesc, Jordi, Marc Muñoz, etc.

A few weeks earlier, on September 11, 1978, in a confrontation with the police on Ferran Street, a plainclothes police officer shot and killed young Gustau Muñoz in the back. He was only 16 years old.

Then I started working with the Martínez de Foix. They had a Foundation for disabled boys, There I met Marc Muñoz, Gustavo’s brother. He introduced me to his sister Yolanda, whom I would eventually marry. We lived together for 20 years and had two daughters. The most precious treasure of my life!

My parents worked as doormen on Passeig de Maragall. The Martínez de Foix family lived there or still lives there. I hadn’t seen Jordi for days. One day we met and he told me that he had been arrested – he was a member of the PCE (International) –. As a result of the mistreatment he had been admitted to the hospital, where he had been threatened that the same thing would happen to him as to Gustau Muñoz. He was worried, but he was a fighting person and didn’t take the threats from the BPS seriously.

I had been working at his family’s Foundation for a few days and knew that he had an apartment in the Horta neighborhood, where his organization held meetings and prepared clandestine materials. Suddenly, we received news that Jordi had died as a result of an accidental explosion in the Horta apartment.

After the threats from the BPS, no one believed it had been an accident. I spoke to his family to try to enter the apartment and get samples of the remains of the deflagration. I sent them to a good friend who was politically committed to our cause to analyze them. He worked in the laboratories inside SEAT and the next day he called me to tell me that the analysis had revealed a very high component of white phosphorus that was not normal. It was a substance that was not available to the civilian population, and in any case, it was typical of the army.

At that time, family and friends were holding Jordi‘s funeral at Placa Orfila in Barcelona. My friend and I quickly went there on our motorbikes to give the family the laboratory results. I know that the family has mentioned this, and they are aware that the death of Jordi Martínez de Foix was a murder. One more of many from that damned “Transition“.

Years later I met Francesc Martínez de Foix one day when he was going down to Barcelona to sell eggs in the stores we had arranged. The meeting was cordial. It had been a while since we had seen each other, I think I remember the last time it was at a demonstration on Gran Via, where serious incidents with the police occurred. We were attacked by a group of secret people who came out quite badly.

After remembering those episodes, I brought up the subject of Mikel, a persecuted Basque militant, and the importance of ensuring that he could cross to the other side safely. Francesc proposed a way that seemed to me to be very good. As director of the Foundation, he would organize a coach trip to the French state with the children and the monitors. Mikel would be accredited as another monitor. The problem was convincing the other monitors, which was solved. We did it and there were no problems from the teachers. Everything went smoothly in the Jonquera crossing.

A very fond memory of the more than three months that Mikel spent in the mill of the farmhouse and a great favor from TEB. And from the Martínez de Foix family. I met Mikel in Havana many years later, during the days of the Perpignan affair that made possible the ETA truce in the Catalan Countries, an important act of sovereignty.

Physical violence
 Arrest
 Detention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Electric shocks
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Torture / Inhumane and degrading treatment
 Execution
 Kidnapping
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
XIntimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Mock execution
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
 Charging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Intervention in a private place
 At the police station
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Sleep deprivation
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

  • Lawyer :
  • Collective :
  • Donations :
Categories
Victims

Franco Serantini, 05.05.1972. Died from cerebral hemorrhage in prison – Pisa

May 5, 1972. In prison – Pisa
21-year old. Beaten up during his arrest, remained untreated : died from cerebral hemorrhage

Franco Serantini was born in Cagliari in 1951 and was abandoned at birth at the city’s children’s home. When he was two years old he was entrusted to a Sicilian couple, but soon after his adoptive mother fell ill with cancer and died; the widower, left alone, was not allowed to finalize the adoption paperwork. When Franco was nine years old, he returned to the brefotrophy in Cagliari, where he remained until 1968, when the management of the institution informed the juvenile court that it was unable to follow the boy, who was not applying himself to his studies. The judge felt that the best solution to solve Franco‘s adolescent crisis was to lock him up in a reformatory, and so the boy was sent to the Men’s Re-education Institute in Pisa, “under a regime of semi-freedom,” meaning he had to eat and sleep in the institution.

In Pisa, however, Franco discovered political commitment, which, while on the one hand allowed him not to fall into the trap of common delinquency (which happens all too often in situations like his), on the other hand marked his death sentence. He was active in solidarity movements that organized low-cost markets, approached the anarchist movement, but also frequented the political milieu of Luciano Della Mea, a libertarian Marxist who represented for him the family he never had.

It is to Serantini‘s research that we owe the discovery of the well-known proclamation signed by Giorgio Almirante when he was chief of staff of the PS Office in Paganico (GR), in which he communicated

Pisa after 1968 was a city rich in political life. The “Pisan Workers’ Power” group (not to be confused with the Workers’ Power of Piperno, Negri and Scalzone) was founded in Pisa, which later gave birth to Lotta Continua, led (among others) by Luciano Della Mea and Adriano Sofri. In Pisa in those years the leaders of the communist youth were Massimo D’Alema and Fabio Mussi. Enrolled at the University of Pisa were many Greek anti-fascist students who were in exile because of the dictatorship of the colonels. Pisa was the scene of numerous clashes between fascists and police, between fascists and antifascists, and between antifascists and police, and it was at an antifascist demonstration that Franco Serantini, who had meanwhile become a militant anarchist, was beaten to death by police.

On May 5, the closing day of the election campaign, a rally was planned by the Missino deputy Giuseppe Niccolai, against whom Lotta Continua and the anarchists had called a protest demonstration.

Mayor Lazzari, taking into account the small size of the square and its location in the middle of narrow, winding streets, and fearing incidents (as had happened in previous days in other cities in Tuscany) asked the authorities together with the council and representatives of some parties (PCI, PSI and PSIUP) to move the rally to a less central area, but to no avail. On the other hand, 800 men of the I celere grouping, 500 carabinieri and 100 carabinieri paratroopers were rushed to the city to support the city’s PS units.

The Missino deputy speaks in a square surrounded by shields, helmets, visor helmets, tromboncini with tear gas in the barrel, machine guns aimed. The fascists numbered perhaps two hundred, they shouted “Italy, Italy,” the deputy spoke for an hour and a half, a woman, Morena Morelli, came all the way under the stage, mocked the speaker, called him a fascist and was arrested.

Around 6:30 p.m. police charges against the protesters began, and the historic center of Pisa experienced more than three hours of urban guerrilla warfare. The police threw tear gas not only on the protesters, but also inside the doorways of houses and even against the city hall.

Mayor Lazzari looks out a window of the Gambacorti Palace and shouts at the policemen to stop targeting the municipality. “I said I was the mayor, that a council meeting was in progress (…) no one from above was threatening the police. They were pointing their guns up, firing one stick after another, giving the impression that they were drugged. It’s not as if they were listening to my words, they kept throwing sticks at the mullioned windows.’

Dozens were beaten and battered protesters; some, hit by tear gas, had to be hospitalized. Some witnesses claimed to have seen police officers firing guns at eye level among the protesters.

Franco Serantini was on the Lungarno Gambacorti, but inexplicably, instead of fleeing into the alleys, he lingered in the street. Thus recounted a resident of the Lungarno, Moreno Papini.

… I saw that they were grabbing one (…) about fifteen celerini jumped on him and started beating him with incredible fury. They had circled over him so that he could no longer be seen, but you could tell from the gestures of the celerini that they had to hit him both with their hands and feet and with the kicks of their rifles. All of a sudden some of the celerini got out of the trucks there in front and intervened (…) “Enough, you’re going to kill him!” (…) one who looked like a graduate entered the middle and with another celerino they pulled him up. Only at that moment I could see his face, because he was holding his head dangling on his back….

Franco was arrested and taken to the PS barracks. All those who saw him in the large room where the arrestees were put testified that it was clearly seen that he was very sick: he was unable to hold his head up, he could not speak, he had a yellowish color in his face. Nevertheless, no one thought of having him admitted to the hospital, or even of having him seen by a doctor; they took him to the jail, where he was interrogated by the magistrate on duty, who claimed to have asked for a medical examination for him, a detail that the public defender said he did not remember. Franco was examined only four hours after the interrogation, but the doctor merely prescribed an ice pack, did not measure his blood pressure, and did not have any X-rays taken. Taken back to his cell, his comrades became concerned as they saw him deteriorate but throughout the night on Saturday no one took any action. Only on Sunday morning was Franco taken to the prison emergency room, but by then it was too late: his heart stopped beating at 9:45 a.m. and the prison doctor wrote in the certificate “cerebral hemorrhage.”

The news of his death spread, and only because of the mobilization of friends and the stubbornness of the registrar’s clerk, who refused to sign the authorization to transport the body, because, since it was a violent death, authorization from the Public Prosecutor’s Office was necessary, Franco Serantini‘s murder would not be covered up. It is Luciano Della Mea who is the first to take action and contacts lawyer Bianca Guidetti Serra to make a complaint. The lawyer tracks down an old law of popular action “which allows any citizen to constitute himself as a civil party in protection of a person assisted by a charitable institution who is without parents or relatives” (remember that for the laws of the time Franco was a minor at the time of his death, having not yet turned 21). This will allow the investigation to begin.

he outcome of the necropsy examination is a frightening report. Thus stated lawyer Sorbi, who had attended the examination.

It was a trauma to watch the autopsy, to see that boy I knew being dissected. A butchered body, chest, shoulders, head, arms. There was not even a small surface untouched. I had a long night of nightmares.

But in the end the investigation will not lead to the punishment of any perpetrator. The policemen responsible for Franco‘s death could not be identified (they had helmets); none of those who did not have the boy examined would be prosecuted.

In May 1972 Commissioner Giuseppe Pironomonte, who tried, by arresting him, to remove Serantini from the fury of the officers, resigned from the police force. (…) after the death of the young anarchist, he undergoes a profound crisis, realizes that that of the policeman, as it is done in Italy, is not the job for him, realizes that it is difficult to try to change the system from within, and abandons the PS.

Finally, a brief mention of the figure of the then quaestor of Pisa, Dr. Mariano Perris: he had previously served as an executive of the political squad in Milan and Turin, and his name was found, during a search in the offices of FIAT on 5/8/71, ordered by Praetor Guariniello, among those of the PS executives who allegedly collected bribes from FIAT for controlling the political activity of the company’s employees (on this see the publication edited by Lotta Continua in 1972, Agnelli is afraid and pays off the police headquarters).

After Pisa, Perris was appointed quaestor in Milan; but we must remember that during the period of the Germanic occupation of Trieste he had been one of the leaders (he was in charge of the “judicial squad”) of the Special Inspectorate of PS, better known in the city as the “Collotti gang,” a collaborationist body that distinguished itself by the ferocity with which its members conducted anti-partisan repression. Perris’s squad was in charge of arresting common criminals to be blackmailed or intimidated (during the trial of the “gang,” a witness asserted that the torture apparatus with electricity “also passed through Perris’s office”) in order to infiltrate them into the partisan movement or to be used directly in roundup operations.

Perris avoided being tried for collaborationism along with the other corps leaders by availing himself of an affidavit provided by the Triestine CLN (of nationalist and anti-communist persuasion): a witness asserted that his team did not deal with political issues (and its role was not investigated in depth), so that the commissioner continued his career in the PS of the “republic born of the Resistance,” with the resume we have seen.

Fact sheet edited by Claudia Cernigoi from La Bottega del Barbieri

Translated with DeepL.com (free version)

 

Physical violence
X
Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
XBlows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
XUse of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Threat with a weapon
XAggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
XRefusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position

No conviction, no prosecution, no trial

  • Lawyer :
  • Collective :
  • Donations :