Categories
Victims

Rickia Young, 27.10.2020. Assaulted and separated from child – Philadelphia (PA)

October 27, 2020 – Chestnut StreetPhiladelphia (PA)
28-year old. Assaulted, arrested and separated her from her child : traumatized, internal injuries, Her nephew had broken bones in his hand and a large welt on his head

Rickia Young, a Black mother, was attacked by a horde of Philadelphia police officers while she was driving an SUV with her 2-year-old son and teenage nephew on October 27 as the city was engulfed in protest over the police killing of Walter Wallace Jr. earlier that day.

Officers descended on the vehicle, broke its windows, assaulted and arrested her and separated her from her child. Rickia’s arrest went viral due to a shocking video of the police swarming her vehicle, and after the National Fraternal Order of Police — the country’s largest police union — posted a photo of her 2-year-old on social media, falsely claiming he “was lost during the violent riots in Philadelphia, wandering around barefoot in an area that was experiencing complete lawlessness.”

More than a month after the police attack, Rickia Young is demanding the officers involved be fired. “The police have not offered an explanation as to why they acted the way they did that night. They responded instead with a police investigation into Rickia,” says Kevin Mincey, her attorney.

“Once I got close enough to see the cops, I stopped. Like, I stopped right there. I was trying to turn around. But it was like people came inside the street and was up there throwing stuff at the cops.

Next you know, the cops started charging, started running. My nephew was saying, “Lock the doors! Lock the doors!” because they was banging on the car, saying mean things: “Turn this F-ing car around!” and “Get out the F-ing car!” And they had yanked my door open. But by that time, they had busted the back window. They pulled me out the car, and they busted the other window.

I was up there yelling at them, like, “My son is in the car! My son is in the car!” And once they busted that window, they had woke him up. And they was up there, like, doing whatever they was doing to me, hitting me, throwing me, macing me. My son, the look on his face, he was petrified. Petrified.

I was asking, like, “What’s going on?” like, you know, “Where’s my son? Where’s my son?” like screaming, like trying to find my son. The officer had the nerve to tell me, “He’s in a better place: DHS.” You can say anything you want about me, but calling me — like, saying something like that to me is an insult. They, as a whole, the Philadelphia Police Department, treated me as if I was an animal on the street. An animal don’t even deserve that.

He is petrified. And he’s only 2 years old. My mom and my nephew asked him what happened. He was saying, ‘[bleep] car. [bleep] door. Open door,’ and up there banging his hand, like as if — like, you know, the cops was banging on the car. He just kept repeating it like he’s still trying to tell the story. Like, he acts out. He bite his nails. He pull his hair now. He never did those things before. He’s traumatized. He is going through something. He knows words, but, you know, he can’t express to me how he’s feeling.”

According to her lawyer, “They held her vehicle — first, after losing her vehicle, not knowing where it was for several days, according to what they told us. And when they finally recovered it three or four days later, none of her belongings were inside. The hearing aids were gone. Her purse, her wallet were gone. And the car had even more damage than when she last saw it after they had smashed out all the windows.[There has been no — there has been no explanation. The only thing that they’ve even tried to do is kind of workshop a story where they were going to accuse her of trying to assault a police officer. That was done after they had taken her into custody. When Rickia was in the hospital and being held at police headquarters, on her wristband it referenced assault on police.

But you can see from the videos that were taken that night that Rickia’s car never moved that night. When she came down Chestnut Street and started to turn and turn around, she stopped right there. She didn’t back up, because there were people behind her. There were people running towards her. She didn’t do anything to try and assault an officer. And that’s ultimately, I think, why they ultimately chose not to charge her criminally, because they had no evidence to support such a charge.

Fortunately for Rickia, there were two young women who were in the paddy wagon with her that night, and one of the women still had her cellphone on her, incredibly. And so, Rickia was able to get the young lady to call her sister, and Rickia was able to tell her sister and her mother then what happened out there on 52nd Street that night. And then her mother and her sister went out to 52nd Street to question the police.

At first, the police acted as though they didn’t know what they were talking about. And eventually they directed Rickia’s mother and sister to 15th Street, which is about four miles away from where all this happened — and 15th and JFK, to be exact, which is near where the Department of Human Services is here in Philadelphia.

And when they went down to 15th and JFK, Rickia’s mother found her son sitting in the backseat of a police car still in his car seat. And when she touched his hair, glass fell out of his hair. There was still glass from the car in the car seat. The police were just allowing him to sit in that glass.

Rickia’s son had a large welt on his head. She had internal injuries. Her nephew had broken bones in his hand. So, it’s a slow recovery from the physical injuries and an even slower recovery from the emotional trauma that they’re going to be dealing with probably for the rest of their lives.

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
X
Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
XUse of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
XAggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Charging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
XConfiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
  • 10.28.2020 – Internal Affairs investigation initiated
  • 10.28.2020 – 5 officers placed on desk duty
  • 10.27.2020 – Aggression of Rickia

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

[Source: Democracy Now!]

Categories
Victims

Deon Kay, 02.09.2020. Shot dead – Washington (DC)

September 2, 2020 – Washington (DC)
18-year old. Shot dead : deceased

According to several local outlets report that on September 2, Metropolitan Police Department officers were called to the scene in SE DC after reports of a man brandishing a weapon were made. Police officers say they approached the vehicle, which had several occupants and two of them took off running. The police claim that one of the occupants pulled a weapon from his waistband, and he was shot by one of the officers in the chest.

Contradicting earlier reports from family and observers that Deon was shot in the back, redacted bodycam footage shows Alexander Alvarez, the officer in pursuit who saw the handgun Deon was brandishing and attempting to toss and fire one single shot to the teen’s chest.

Officers reportedly administered first aid and Deon was later transported to a local hospital where he died. The gun police reported seeing in Deon’s hand was found 98 feet from the scene of the shooting

Natasha Kay, his mother, told after the shooting that there had been tension between police and residents of Ward 8, which includes neighborhoods dealing with economic challenges and high crime rates. Monica Hopkins of the ACLU of the District of Columbia condemned the police response. She said, “The tragic shooting and death of 18-year-old Deon Kay is the logical conclusion of a policy that not only meets violence with violence, but actually escalates and incites it — especially in our Black communities.

Justice and Light for Deon, his family and friends !
Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Charging without warning
XShooting in the back
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
  • 09.03.2020 – The officers involved were placed on administrative leave.
  • 09.03.2020 – DC Police released bodycam footage
  • 02.09.2020 – Agression of Deon
  • Lawyer :
  • Collective :
  • Donations :
2020.09.02_KAY.Deon_Washington.USA_Twitter_Twitter-DEBBIETRUONG.webp
Categories
Victims

Breonna Taylor, 13.03.2020. Shot dead – Louisville (KY)

March 13, 2020 – Louisville (KY)
26-year old. Shot 8 times: deceased

Breonna Taylor, an certified emergency room technician, was struck by eight police bullets as officers attempted to serve a no-knock warrant on her home during a narcotics investigation.

Records show that police believed that a suspect in the narcotics investigation, Jamarcus Glover, used Breonna’s home to receive mail, keep drugs or stash money earned from the sale of drugs. However, according to the lawsuit filed by Breonna’s family, police had identified Glover at a home more than 10 miles from Breonna’s apartment before they executed the warrant at her residence.

The police pursued no-knock‘ search warrant in fatal shooting of Breonna in her home, meaning they don’t have to identify themselves before entering a residence or business, if there is a reasonable suspicion that knocking would be dangerous, futile or inhibit the “effective investigation of the crime,” according to Louisville Metro Police policies.

Breonna and her boyfriend Kenneth Walker woke up to the unannounced entry and believed their home was being broken into. Kenneth Walker fired his gun first, believing intruders were invading their home and striking an officer in the leg. Officers returned fire. No drugs were found in the home. During the gunfire, Breonna was struck at least eight times and died.

There is no body camera footage available. Police Chief Steve Conrad said the Criminal Interdiction Squad does not use that equipment.

Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear and  U.S. Sen. Kamala Harris, D-Calif., are among those calling for a federal investigation into Breonna‘s death.

Daniel Cameron, the Kentucky attorney general, released the 15-hour recordings that include interviews with witnesses, audio of 911 calls and other evidence after a judge ordered him to do so, but the recordings did not include the instructions that prosecutors gave to the 12 jurors. Grand jurors are given broad powers, but prosecutors often closely guide the jurors and inform them about their role. The process almost always remains secret.

The grand jurors met in person over three days and reviewed police interviews of officers and witnesses at the scene, 911 calls and body camera videos from after Breonna‘s death. They also met directly with detectives who had investigated the killing. At times the jurors sound inquisitive or skeptical on the recordings, peppering the detectives with questions and pointing out inconsistencies in some of the officers’ accounts.

A federal judge in Kentucky Monday 21, July 2025 sentenced former Louisville police officer Brett Hankison to 33 months in prison for using excessive force during the deadly police raid that killed Breonna in her own home. U.S. District Judge Rebecca Grady Jennings rejected prosecutors’ recommendation to have Hankison sentenced to just one day in prison, calling the effort “not appropriate.”

Hankison fired 10 bullets during the no-knock raid in March 2020 — some of which penetrated the walls of a neighbor’s home where a family was sleeping. Breonna was a Black woman, whose killing sparked nationwide racial justice protests under the banner “Black Lives Matter.” Civil rights attorney Ben Crump spoke after Monday’s sentencing.

Breonna Taylor’s killing, five years later, is telling us a lot at which direction we’re going to go. Are we going to continue to be a democracy that upholds the objective of liberty and justice for all, or are we going to descend into being a police state where the police can do anything?

Louisville Metro Police arrested four protesters who blocked traffic outside the federal court where Hankison was sentenced Monday. Among those arrested was Bianca Austin, Breonna’s aunt.

Justice & Light for Breonna and her loved ones!
Physical violence
 Arrest
 Detention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
XCharging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
XIntervention in a private place
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors
  • 21.07.2025Brett Hankison sentenced to 33 months in prison for using excessive force
  • 12.30.2020 – Louisville Police Department terminates Detective Myles Cosgrove and and Detective Joshua Jaynes
  • 10.02.2020 – Daniel Cameron, the Kentucky attorney general releases 15 hours of recording
  • 09.24.2020 – Grand Jury declines to charge any of the three white police officers, only indictments were three counts of “wanton endangerment” against former Louisville police detective Brett Hankison for shooting into the apartment of a neighbor
  • 09.22.2020 : Six Louisville Metro Police officers under an internal investigation : department’s Professional Standards Unit has begun its probe into Det. Myles Cosgrove and Sgt. Jonathan Mattingly, who fired their weapons into Breonna’s apartment on March 13; Det. Joshua Jaynes, who sought the search warrant for her apartment; and Det. Tony James, Det. Michael Campbell and Det. Michael Nobles
  • 09.15.2020 – City of Louisville, Kentucky, announces it will pay the family of Breonna $12 million and institute a slew of reforms to the police department responsible for her death
  • 06.2020 – Det. Brett Hankison fired
  • 05.13.2020 – Jefferson County commonwealth’s attorney Tom Wine recuses himself from reviewing Louisville police officers’ conduct, citing conflict of interest – he is prosecuting Walker. Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron confirms his office had been asked to serve as a special prosecutor
  • 04.27.2020 – Attorney for Breonna’s estate files a wrongful death suit against the city
  • 03.14.2020 – Police opens internal investigation. 3 Officers involved placed on administrative leave. Kenneth Walker charged with attempted murder of a police officer
  • 03.13.2020 – Killing of Breonna

 

2020.03.13_TAYLOR.Breonna_Louisville.USA_Mural_JimLoScalzoEPA.jpg
Categories
Victims

Elijah McClain, 24.08.2019. Suffocated and drugged – Aurora (CO)

August 24, 2019 – Billings Street, Aurora (CO)
23-year old. Chokehold and injection of ketamine inducing a heart attack and a coma: deceased

Elijah McClain was a massage therapist, a keen musician and a runner. He went into a coma after he was stopped by police in Aurora, Colorado, in August as he walked home from a convenience store where he was buying iced teas.

Elijah McClain was stopped by three officers after a 911 caller reported a suspicious person wearing a ski mask walking along Billings Street in Aurora, according to a police news release. That report says that he “resisted contact” with officers before a struggle ensued. “I’m an introvert,” McClain is heard saying in police bodycam footage after officers confront him. “Please respect the boundaries that I am speaking.” Before an officer wrestles him to the ground, Elijah McClain is heard telling the officers he was trying to stop his music so that he could listen to them. A letter from the Adams County District Attorney said an officer placed him in a carotid hold, which restricts blood flow to the brain. He briefly lost consciousness, the letter said, but continued struggling after officers released the hold. The DA’s letter said paramedics arrived and administered ketamine, a powerful anesthetic. Elijah McClain was taken to a hospital but had a heart attack on the way. He was declared brain dead three days later, on August 27, the letter says.

The autopsy conducted by the county coroner did not determine the cause of death but noted “intense physical exertion and a narrow left coronary artery” were contributing factors. The report noted Elijah McClain‘s history of asthma and the carotid hold, though the autopsy did not determine whether it contributed to his death. The concentration of ketamine in his system was at a “therapeutic level,” the report said. Ultimately, his death could have been an accident, the result of natural causes or a homicide, the autopsy concluded.

Three officers involved, Nathan Woodyard, Jason Rosenblatt, and Randy Roedema, were initially placed on administrative leave, but they were later reinstated when prosecutors declined to file criminal charges. In a November 2019 letter to Aurora’s then-police chief, District Attorney Dave Young wrote that his office did not find enough evidence to prove the officers violated Colorado law or that their use of force was unjustified. A police review board said in February that the use of force, including the carotid hold, “was within policy and consistent with training.”

Body-cam footage of the arrest does exist, although the ADP did not release it to the public until late November, months after his death. In the footage, an officer can be heard admitting Elijah McClain had done nothing illegal prior to his arrest; another accuses him of reaching for one of their guns. He, meanwhile, can be heard asking the officers to stop, explaining that they started to arrest him as he was “stopping [his] music to listen.” He gasps that he cannot breathe. He tells them his name, says he has ID but no gun, and pleads that his house is “right there.” He sobs, and vomits, and apologizes: “I wasn’t trying to do that,” he says. “I just can’t breathe correctly.” One of the officers can also be heard threatening to set his dog on hm if he “keep[s] messing around,” and claiming he exhibited an extreme show of strength when officers tried to pin back his arms.

Very little of the officers’ protocol can be seen, however, because all of their body cams allegedly fell off during the arrest. But if you watch the video from about the 15-minute mark (warning: the footage contains violent and upsetting content), you’ll see someone pick up the body camera and point it toward Elijah McClain and one of the officers, before dropping it back into the grass. Around 15:34, one of the officers seems to say, “Leave your camera there.”

Nearly a year after the fatal incident, none of the officers involved have been fired and are yet to face any criminal charges. Following public outcry – especially after the police killing of George Floyd in May – the Colorado governor, Jared Polis, announced that the appointment of the state attorney general, Phil Weiser, to investigate. On August 24, 2020, Weiser confirmed he was conducting a separate investigation into the police department and whether its “patterns and practices” are unconstitutional. Additionally, the city of Aurora has commissioned its own investigation of the police department, hiring an outside consultant to conduct a “comprehensive review.”

The family lawsuit filed by their attorney Mari Newman on August 11, 2020 listed nine claims for relief, including excessive force; denial of equal protection; failure to ensure basic safety and provide adequate medical care and treatment; substantive due process — deprivation of liberty — forcible administration of medication; battery causing wrongful death; and negligence causing wrongful death.

Physical violence
 Arrest
 Detention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
XStrangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Electric shocks
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
XUse of tranquillisers
 Execution
 Kidnapping
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
XAggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
XIntimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Mock execution
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
XPrevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
XCalls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
XFailure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
 Charging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Intervention in a private place
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Sleep deprivation
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors
  • 08.11.2020 – Lawsuit filed by his family
  • 07.28.2020 – Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment is reopening an investigation into how a paramedic came to inject McClain with 500 milligrams of ketamine during his violent arrest, and its connection to his subsequent death.
  • 07.26.2020 – Interim police chief Wilson announced that she had fired Rosenblatt and two other officers over their connection to photos taken at a memorial for McClain last October. Another officer, Jaron Jones, resigned. In the images, Jones poses with his arm wrapped around officer Kyle Dittrich’s neck, a mocking imitation of the hold used on McClain. Both officers are smiling, while officer Erica Marrero grins over their shoulders.
  • 06.25.2020 – Appointment of State attorney general Phil Weser as investigator
  • 06.13.2020Three Colorado police officers reinstated and reassigned to “nonenforcement” duties
  • 06.09.2020 – City Manager Jim Twombly agrees to undertake an independent investigation
  • 06.09.2020 – Aurora interim police chief Vanessa Wilson announced that officers would be banned from using carotid holds, and obligated to intervene when they see another officer use excessive force. They will also have to declare their intention to shoot before firing their guns
  • 00.11.2019 – Release of the bodycam footage
  • 11.22.2019 – Adams County prosecutors announced that they would not bring charges against the trio, who then returned to normal duty
  • 08.27.2019 – Death of Elijah McClain after a coma
  • 08.25.20203 officers placed on paid administrative leave
  • 08.24.2019 – Agression and arrest of Elijah

 

Categories
Victims

Camilo Caupolicán Escobar, 10.01.2019. Shot dead – Neuquén

January 10, 2019 – Neuquén street, al 1200, barrio de Caballitov – Neuquén
24-year-old. Shot in the chest : deceased

On 1 January 2019, Camilo went to Caballito to buy marijuana flowers at a house on 1259 Neuquén Street. He had 2,765 pesos in his wallet (currently worth approximately 70 or 80 pesos), which corroborates that he was going to make a small purchase for personal consumption. In the house, there was another alleged buyer who had ordered a large quantity costing 200,000 pesos and who would have paid a commission of 5,000 pesos to the person who had contacted him. Inside the house, the buyer took the bag with the purchase and, before paying, announced that he was a police officer, showed his badge, and ordered them to lie down on the floor. During the altercation, he pulls out his 9mm calibre weapon, stands in the doorway to prevent those inside from escaping, and then shoots Camilo in the chest, killing him. However, seconds before, he managed to wound his attacker in the face, leaving blood stains and a tooth. 

Despite this relevant information, the few media outlets that reported the news at the time presented it as a possible ‘drug-related crime by mistake’ or even a ‘settling of scores.’ Media outlets that were absent yesterday.

For five and a half years, the identity of the murderer was unknown. No witnesses claimed to know him. The police cleared the area. Camilo‘s murderer arrived and left on a motorcycle without a licence plate. He even had the luxury of returning minutes after committing the crime to retrieve his motorcycle without anyone stopping him.

After leaving on his motorcycle, nothing more was heard of the murderer. Court No. 3, then presided over by Judge Bruniard, denied the prosecution’s request for DNA and images recorded by at least five security cameras in the vicinity (two of them on the block where the house was located). It took more than three years before, after a change of judge, the request for the images was finally granted.

The prosecution also distrusts the material due to the absence of evidence (no sirens, no SAME or security forces personnel are visible), only a blurry image of the killer. There is very little evidence from the cameras in the area, which also raised doubts when, in September 2024, the only (and blurry) image of the killer was published with an offer of a reward for anyone providing information. What was the purpose of ‘releasing’ that image? To find the killer or to send a message for reasons unknown to us?

The murder of Camilo Caupolicán Escobar not only reveals the action or inaction of the repressive forces: action, given that the murderer is part of a federal force. The ‘inaction’ is rather an omission to cooperate with the investigation. Camilo‘s murder and its cover-up show the complicity and links between the repressive forces and drug trafficking.

The sister of one of the key witnesses, who is also involved in the sale of narcotics, is a police officer. This witness, whose name has appeared in the case file since the beginning of the proceedings, raised many doubts about the information he provided, or rather, about the information he did not provide.

On 4 June, a witness confirmed that Camilo‘s killer belongs to a federal force. The court has his name and ID number. Why is a force that is paradoxically supposed to be a “security” force not being required to hand over its member so that he can at least be questioned and investigated?

Alongside his father Oscar were mothers of other victims of institutional violence. Nora, mother of Juan Ignacio Encina, who was murdered by Buenos Aires police officer Jorge Montero, was present. Emilia Vasallo, a leader of the National March Against Police Brutality, which takes place every year at the end of August, was also present. Emilia is the mother of Pablo Alcorta, another victim of police violence. Verónica, the mother of Nicolas Broeckaert, another victim of institutional violence, more precisely of the Monte Grande Municipal Police, was also present.

The relatives of victims support each other, embrace each other, and fight for their causes. ‘I am not here only for Camilo. Our children will not return, but we are here for all the young people who are still alive,’ Oscar said yesterday. He had also said this when he took the microphone at the National March Against Police Brutality. Camilo had participated alongside Oscar in demonstrations for both Luciano Arruga and Mariano Ferreyra.

In times of selfishness, pettiness, opportunism, and cowardice, Oscar’s fight is not only for justice for his son; his fight is to recover that collective solidarity that today seems to have been forgotten.

The press union and many subsidised organisations that claim to defend human rights but abandoned Oscar and other victims should learn a lot from him.

On July 24, 2025, frente a las escalinatas de tribunales, se desarrolló la conferencia de prensa convocada por Oscar Escobar ante la situación de la causa por el asesinato de su hijo Camilo Caupolicán. Con la ausencia de los medios hegemónicos Oscar se expresó acompañado de su abogado y de madres de otras víctimas de gatillo fácil. Oscar y su abogado Mario Perricone denunciaron que «se rompió el secreto de sumario y no fue la querella quien lo hizo». Además de la dilación en las detenciones pertinentes también denunciaron negligencias en la protección de testigos por parte de la Fiscalía a cargo de Laura Belloqui. La causa está en manos del Juez subrogante Marcos Fernández en el Juzgado Criminal y Correccional Número 3 Por Ramiro Giganti (ANRed).

“On 4 June, a person fully identified the murderer. There is no doubt about the identification of the murderer. I would also like to refer to the statement of a witness who, out of fear after seeing his friend killed, left the country that same day. This complaint brought him back, and he testified for eight hours. There is a very important part of his statement where he says that while he was in the presence of the police, the ambulance, and all the people, the murderer came back wearing different clothes, because if you look at the photo, he is wearing a jacket, and then he comes back wearing a T-shirt. The boy shouted, ‘That’s the one who killed Camilo, that’s the one who killed Camilo,’ and the police did absolutely nothing.”

This is how Camilo Caupolicán Escobar‘s father opened the press conference. He was accompanied by his lawyer, other relatives of young people murdered by police forces, and by this media outlet. In addition to ANRed, Periodismo de Izquierda was also present covering the conference.

The family lawyer Mario Perricone:

“For more than five and a half years, we were in the dark. At the beginning of June, a reliable lead was found and corroborated in case 5698 of 2019, which is being handled by Criminal and Correctional Court 3. A technical error led to a breach of confidentiality, allowing all parties to read who was being sought. We have identified the murderer; we are certain, not completely certain at this stage, but we are fairly certain, based on direct evidence, not circumstantial evidence, of who the person is. And the judge in charge ruled that, for now, it was not appropriate to arrest the person.”

 On July 25, 2025, after six and a half years of struggle by his father, Oscar Escobar, and the prosecution, Juan Manuel Guellin, the murderer of Camilo, has been in custody for 48 hours. The court had his name and some information in its possession since June 4, but the arrest was delayed. Along with the complaint, this newspaper’s journalistic investigation also provided information to the court. Guellín, 28, belongs to a federal police force.

After his arrest, other questions will be answered: What happened to the bag he stole containing kilos of marijuana? Did he work for a superior officer? Did he commit other crimes while part of a security force? Why, when he returned to get his motorcycle minutes after murdering Camilo, was he not arrested despite having been identified by a witness?

Physical violence
 Arrest
 Detention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Electric shocks
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Execution
 Kidnapping
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Mock execution
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
 Charging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Intervention in a private place
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
XLies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Sleep deprivation
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors
  • 25.07.2025 – Arrest and placement in custody of Juan Manuel Guellin
  • 10.01.2019 – Agression and death of Camilo
  • Lawyer : Mario Perricone
  • Collective :
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Victims

Tanya Day, 05.12.2017. Died in custody – Victoria

December 5, 2017, Castlemaine police station – Victoria
55-year-old. Arrested for drunkenness : died in custody after hitting her forehead on the cell wall…

The inquest into the death in custody of Aboriginal woman Tanya Day has been shown footage of her hitting her forehead on the cell wall less than a minute after she was checked by police.

That impact, which occurred shortly before 5pm, caused a brain haemorrhage but was undetected until 8.03pm, when police noticed a lump on her head and called an ambulance. The 55-year-old Yorta Yorta woman died in hospital 17 days later.

CCTV footage played in court on Monday shows that Tanya hit her head five times while in holding cell one at Castlemaine police station on 5 December 2017.

It also showed police straightening cushions before they approached Tanya when they entered the cell at 8.03pm, and bend over her for several seconds before lifting her back on to the bench and covering her with a blanket.

The first fall was at 4.20pm, just 25 minutes after she was left alone in the cell to “sober up” after being arrested for public drunkenness.

It shows she hit the back of her bed after falling back when sitting down on the bed, after roaming unsteadily around the cell. At 4.44pm she stands up, walks unsteadily towards the water fountain on the cell wall, then stumbles backward, hitting the back of her head again as she fell on the bed.

Police guidelines state that intoxicated people should be subject to a physical cell check every 30 minutes, but sergeant Edwina Neale told the inquest she requested 20-minute checks because Tanya was “more vulnerable”.

Neale said that was then changed to a physical check every 40 minutes, with a check on CCTV monitors in between, because Wolters told her that Tanya was “becoming a bit distressed and asking to go home and he felt she would be better if she was left to sleep a bit longer in between checks”.

Cairnes initially told the inquest that he saw Tanya standing in the cell as Wolters called out: “Tanya, are you OK?

Due to the thickness of the cell walls, he said, he did not hear what Tanya said in response, but he said she did give a verbal response and Woltersseemed satisfied by that”.

Justice and Light for Tanya, her family and friends !
Physical violence
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Tirage par les cheveux
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
XRefusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
XLack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
  • 22.12.2017 – Death of Tanya
  • 05.12.2017 – Arrest of Tanya
  • Lawyer :
  • Collective :
  • Donations :
Categories
Victims

Bobby Sands, 1981.05.05. Died on hunger strike in prison – Maze

May 5, 1981 – HM Prison Maze, Northern Ireland
27 year-old. Starved in a hunger strike : deceased

Robert Gerard Sands (Roibeárd Gearóid Ó Seachnasaigh),  9 March 1954 – 5 May 1981 was a member of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) who died on hunger strike while imprisoned at HM Prison Maze in Northern Ireland. Sands helped to plan the 1976 Balmoral Furniture Company bombing in Dunmurry, which was followed by a gun battle with the Royal Ulster Constabulary. He was arrested while trying to escape and sentenced to 14 years for firearms possession.

He was the leader of the 1981 hunger strike in which Irish republican prisoners protested against the removal of Special Category Status. During Sands‘ strike, he was elected to the UK Parliament as an Anti H-Block candidate. His death and those of nine other hunger strikers was followed by a surge of IRA recruitment and activity. International media coverage brought attention to the hunger strikers, and the republican movement in general, attracting both praise and criticism.

Sands was arrested and charged in October 1972 with possession of four handguns found in the house where he was staying. He was convicted in April 1973, sentenced to five years imprisonment, and released in April 1976.

Upon his release, he returned to his family home in West Belfast, and resumed his active role in the Provisional IRA. Sands and Joe McDonnell planned the bombing of the Balmoral Furniture Company in Dunmurry on 14 October 1976. The showroom was destroyed but as the IRA men left the scene there was a gun battle with the Royal Ulster Constabulary. Leaving behind two wounded, Seamus Martin and Gabriel Corbett, the remaining four (Sands, McDonnell, Seamus Finucane, and Sean Lavery) tried to escape by car, but were arrested. One of the revolvers used in the attack was found in the car. On 7 September 1977, the four men were sentenced to 14 years for possession of the revolver. They were not charged with explosive offences.

Immediately after his sentencing, Sands was implicated in a fight and sent to the punishment block in Crumlin Road Prison. The cells contained a bed, a mattress, a chamber pot and a water container. Books, radios and other personal items were not permitted, although a Bible and some Catholic pamphlets were provided. Sands refused to wear a prison uniform, so was kept naked in his cell for twenty-two days without access to bedding from 7.30 am to 8.30 pm each day.

In late 1980, Sands was chosen Officer Commanding of the Provisional IRA prisoners in the Maze Prison, succeeding Brendan Hughes, who was participating in the first hunger strike. Republican prisoners organised a series of protests seeking to regain their previous Special Category Status, which would free them from some ordinary prison regulations. This began with the “blanket protest” in 1976, in which the prisoners refused to wear prison uniforms and wore blankets instead. In 1978, after a number of attacks on prisoners leaving their cells to “slop out” (i.e., empty their chamber pots), this escalated into the “dirty protest“, wherein prisoners refused to wash and smeared the walls of their cells with excrement. Sands wrote about the brutality of Maze prison guards:

“The screws [prison guards] removed me from my cell naked and I was conveyed to the punishment block in a blacked out van. As I stepped out of the van on arrival there they grabbed me from all sides and began punching and kicking me to the ground … they dragged me by the hair across a stretch of hard core rubble to the gate of the punishment block. The full weight of my body recoiled forward again, smashing my head against the corrugated iron covering around the gate.”

The 1981 Irish hunger strike started with Sands refusing food on 1 March 1981. He decided that other prisoners should join the strike at staggered intervals to maximise publicity, with prisoners steadily deteriorating successively over several months. The hunger strike centred on five demands:

  • the right not to wear a prison uniform;
  • the right not to do prison work;
  • the right of free association with other prisoners, and to organise educational and recreational pursuits;
  • the right to one visit, one letter, and one parcel per week;
  • full restoration of remission lost through the protest.

The significance of the hunger strike was the prisoners’ aim of being considered political prisoners as opposed to criminals. Shortly before Sands‘s death, The Washington Post reported that the primary aim of the hunger strike was to generate international publicity.

Sands died on 5 May 1981 in the Maze’s prison hospital after 66 days on hunger strike, aged 27. The original pathologist’s report recorded the hunger strikers’ causes of death as “self-imposed starvation“, amended to simply “starvation” following protests by the dead strikers’ families. The coroner recorded verdicts of “starvation, self-imposed“. Sands was one of 22 Irish republicans (in the 20th century) who died on hunger-strike.

Sands became a martyr to Irish republicans, and the announcement of his death prompted several days of rioting in nationalist areas of Northern Ireland. More than 100,000 people lined the route of Sands‘s funeral from St. Luke’s Catholic Church in Twinbrook, and he was buried in the ‘New Republican Plot’ alongside 76 others.

Physical violence
X
Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
XBlows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
XHair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Use of gloves
 Use of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
XDeprivation during detention (water, food)
XInappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
  • 05.05.1981 – Death of Bobby Sands
  • 01.03.1981Sands starts refusing food
  • 00.00.1978 – Dirty protest
  • 00.09.1977 – Sent to the punishment block in Crumlin Road Prison
  • 07.09.1977 – Sentenced to 14 years for possession of the revolver found in their car, not charged with explosive offences
  • 00.00.1978 – Blanket protest
  • 14.10.1976 – Bombing of the Balmoral Furniture Company in Dunmurry; Sands arrested, along with McDonnell, Seamus Finucane, and Sean Lavery
  • 00.04.1976 – Released
  • 00.04.1973 – Sentenced to five years imprisonment
  • 00.10.1972 – Arrested and charged with possession of four handguns
  • Lawyer :
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Victims

José Ignacio Barandiarán Urkola, 11.07.1978. Shot dead – San Sebastián

July 11, 1978, at the confluence of San Bartolomé and Cuesta de Aldapeta streets – San Sebastián
18-year-old. Shot in the chest : deceased

José Ignacio Barandiarán Urkola, known as Joseba Barandiaran (Astigarraga, November 11, 1959 – San Sebastián, July 11, 1978), was a young man who lost his life participating in violent incidents against the police during a demonstration of the radical left against the Spanish Transition.

A few days before his death, on July 8, during the Sanfermines in Pamplona, serious incidents took place between the Armed Police and left-wing radicals that provoked riots in the bullring and moved to the surrounding area. Germán Rodríguez, a member of the Revolutionary Communist League (LKI, a party that emerged from ETA), was mortally wounded by a bullet while assaulting a police bus. These events are known as the Sanfermines of 1978 and are considered one of the most violent and well-known episodes of police repression during the Spanish Transition.

As a result of this event, a general political strike was called in the Basque Country and Navarra. Violent incidents occurred in numerous localities in both territories. In one of these protests, held in San Sebastian on Tuesday, July 11, Joseba Barandiaran, a young man of nationalist ideology, was killed.

During a confrontation between the police and demonstrators at the confluence of San Bartolomé and Cuesta de Aldapeta streets in the center of the capital of Gipuzkoa, Barandiaran was mortally wounded by a bullet in the chest and died almost instantly.

A citizen commission, in charge of investigating the facts, accused the Armed Police of being the author of the shots a few months later. The judicial investigations carried out in the following years showed that the shot had come from the ranks of the Public Order Forces, but the Barandiaran case was provisionally dismissed 7 years later as the author of the shots that ended the young man’s life could not be identified. The city council of San Sebastián, the city of San Sebastián, was the only one in charge of the case. The city council of San Sebastián, the city of San Sebastián, was the only one in charge of the case.

The City Council of San Sebastian, in response to requests from numerous residents of Astigarraga, decided on March 14, 1980 to give the name of Joseba Barandiaran to a square in that town (which at that time depended as a neighborhood of San Sebastian). At present, there is still a Joseba Barandiaran Square/Joseba Barandiaran Plaza in Astigarraga.

 

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
XCharging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Mental health issues
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Harassment
 Arrest
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Home search
 Body search
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Detention / Custody
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position

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1978.07.11_BARANDIARAN.Joeba_San.Sebastian.ESP_2
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Victims

Germán Rodríguez Saiz, 08.07.1978. Shot dead – Pamplona

July 8, 1978 – at the intersection of Carlos III Avenue and Roncesvalles Street – Pamplona
23-year-old. Shot in the head : deceased

Germán Rodríguez Saiz was a militant of the radical left-wing formation LKI (Revolutionary Communist League, which emerged from ETA), killed during the 1978 Sanfermines festival by a police shot during the confrontations that took place that day between the radical left and the forces of law and order.

During 1977 and 1978 Spain was undergoing the transition from dictatorship to democracy, and the extreme left and nationalist groups opposed to the Transition were confronted by the police and extreme right-wing elements. In Pamplona these were very convulsive months (pro-amnesty week of 1977 demanding the release of political prisoners with blood crimes -the rest had been released in 1976-, occupation of the City Hall by radicals, frequent riots and attacks on the forces of law and order to force their reaction). On May 9, 1978 a device exploded, injuring four people and causing the death of another. On May 10, the murder of Civil Guard Second Lieutenant José Antonio Eseverri took place in the streets of Pamplona, with knives and kicks after having been disarmed.

Under these circumstances, the 1978 San Fermin festivities began. On July 8, in the Pamplona Bullring, at the end of the bullfight, several peñas of Pamplona came down to the bullring with banners in favor of amnesty. This produced a confrontation (first with shouting and then with blows) with sectors of the public of opposing opinion. The Armed Police broke into the bullring.

The Armed Police burst into the square and fired smoke canisters and rubber balls dispersing those present, except for a group that took refuge in the aisles and responded by throwing objects. The Armed Police in turn responded with live fire, producing 7 bullet wounds (out of a total of 55 wounded treated).

Germán died when he was shot in the head by the police at the intersection of Carlos III Avenue and Roncesvalles Street. Using the excuse that he had unfurled a banner in favor of amnesty after the bullfight, the police entered the bullring and opened fire.

Shoot with all your energy and as hard as you can, you don’t care if you die” was recorded as they ordered. The riots spread throughout the city, and the 23-year-old man was shot dead.

The police fired about 7,000 rounds and 130 bullets during the riots, injuring 150 citizens, eleven of them seriously. No one has ever been prosecuted for the events. A crowd gathered at Rodriguez’s funeral, and Felipe Gonzalez himself was there. Protests spread throughout the Basque Country.

Physical violence
 Hustle / Projection
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Painful armlock
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
XCharging without warning
 Car chase
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Mental health issues
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Harassment
 Arrest
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Intimidation, blackmail, threats
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Home search
 Body search
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Detention / Custody
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Complacency of doctors
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Prolonged uncomfortable position

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Victims

Jordi Martínez de Foix i Llorenç, 02.12.1977. Shot – Madrid

December 2, 1977 – Madrid
20-year-old. Shot twice by plainclothes police officers at a protest and constantly harrassed at the hospital by the police : a dozen perforations in his small intestine

Jordi Martínez de Foix i Llorenç was a Catalan pro-independence activist and socialist, member of the youth of the Communist Party of Spain.

At the age of fifteen he joined the PCE, an illegal party that advocated street fighting and the independence of several territories of the state, including Catalonia. He participated in dozens of demonstrations. On December 2, 1977, in one of the many demonstrations in which he participated, he was shot twice by plainclothes police officers. Those shots, which caused a dozen perforations in his small intestine. In the hospital, the police harassment against him was constant. He was discharged on May 1, 1978, and that same afternoon he went to a demonstration. Jordi‘s political activity was frenetic.

The investigation was closed because the police said they had opened fire in self-defense,” according to his niece Blanca.

At the end of 1978, without time to recover from the assassination of Gustau Muñoz, which had hit him hard, Jordi was preparing some devices to use on October 15, in memory of President Lluís Companys, who had been shot by Franco’s forces 38 years earlier. Jordi was in a rented apartment he had in Nou Barris, on what was then Carrer Lucena, currently Passeig Verdum. While he was handling the explosives, they exploded in his hands, killing him instantly. It was 9:23 p.m. on October 14; at that time his watch stopped.

In the subsequent investigation they found phosphorus in the apartment, a material that was not used for the explosives that Jordi used (of the Irish type). The fact that the location was a free apartment, known only to Jordi and his family, has always led the family to think of an infiltration within the group; this accusation has led to discussions with some people in the PCE.

On October 30 of that same year, Jordi‘s family, friends and colleagues wanted to pay tribute to him at the Parish of Sant Andreu de Palomar, in Pl. Orfila. At the event, Lluís Maria Xirinacs, Jordi‘s father, people from Socors Català, and other fellow activists were to speak. Hundreds of people approached, but they found the square and the surrounding area occupied by the Spanish police. The family, wanting to avoid more pain, decided not to hold the ceremony, although the priest did not refuse despite the ban.

Already at that event, Jordi was described as a “patriot and communist“. It is for this reason, for his struggle and commitment to the country and the working class, that the Esquerra Independentista considers him one of the fighters who fell in combat and the local assembly of Sant Andreu-Nou Barris d’Endavant, in Barcelona, organizes an annual tribute to him.

Tribute Carles García Solé , a veteran independence activist who was subjected to a court martial with a request for a death sentence in 1972 for his membership in the FAC

“In October, Jordi Martínez de Foix died in an explosion in a flat in Horta. According to the official news, the explosion was accidental, as he was manipulating an artifact when the explosion occurred. According to what we found out, and after taking samples to a trusted laboratory, the explosion was caused and with an explosive component not available to civilians, in other words, everything indicates that it was another post-Franco assassination. 

I met Jordi on Passeig de Maragall, where he lived with his parents and mine. They worked as doormen in the same building, 305 Passeig de Maragall. I had been in exile for more than two years, and the Martínez de Foix family offered me a job with them, at the Escola Barceloneta workshop. That relationship coincided after work when we went down to the Ramblas to demand our rights as people and workers, with Francesc, Jordi, Marc Muñoz, etc.

A few weeks earlier, on September 11, 1978, in a confrontation with the police on Ferran Street, a plainclothes police officer shot and killed young Gustau Muñoz in the back. He was only 16 years old.

Then I started working with the Martínez de Foix. They had a Foundation for disabled boys, There I met Marc Muñoz, Gustavo’s brother. He introduced me to his sister Yolanda, whom I would eventually marry. We lived together for 20 years and had two daughters. The most precious treasure of my life!

My parents worked as doormen on Passeig de Maragall. The Martínez de Foix family lived there or still lives there. I hadn’t seen Jordi for days. One day we met and he told me that he had been arrested – he was a member of the PCE (International) –. As a result of the mistreatment he had been admitted to the hospital, where he had been threatened that the same thing would happen to him as to Gustau Muñoz. He was worried, but he was a fighting person and didn’t take the threats from the BPS seriously.

I had been working at his family’s Foundation for a few days and knew that he had an apartment in the Horta neighborhood, where his organization held meetings and prepared clandestine materials. Suddenly, we received news that Jordi had died as a result of an accidental explosion in the Horta apartment.

After the threats from the BPS, no one believed it had been an accident. I spoke to his family to try to enter the apartment and get samples of the remains of the deflagration. I sent them to a good friend who was politically committed to our cause to analyze them. He worked in the laboratories inside SEAT and the next day he called me to tell me that the analysis had revealed a very high component of white phosphorus that was not normal. It was a substance that was not available to the civilian population, and in any case, it was typical of the army.

At that time, family and friends were holding Jordi‘s funeral at Placa Orfila in Barcelona. My friend and I quickly went there on our motorbikes to give the family the laboratory results. I know that the family has mentioned this, and they are aware that the death of Jordi Martínez de Foix was a murder. One more of many from that damned “Transition“.

Years later I met Francesc Martínez de Foix one day when he was going down to Barcelona to sell eggs in the stores we had arranged. The meeting was cordial. It had been a while since we had seen each other, I think I remember the last time it was at a demonstration on Gran Via, where serious incidents with the police occurred. We were attacked by a group of secret people who came out quite badly.

After remembering those episodes, I brought up the subject of Mikel, a persecuted Basque militant, and the importance of ensuring that he could cross to the other side safely. Francesc proposed a way that seemed to me to be very good. As director of the Foundation, he would organize a coach trip to the French state with the children and the monitors. Mikel would be accredited as another monitor. The problem was convincing the other monitors, which was solved. We did it and there were no problems from the teachers. Everything went smoothly in the Jonquera crossing.

A very fond memory of the more than three months that Mikel spent in the mill of the farmhouse and a great favor from TEB. And from the Martínez de Foix family. I met Mikel in Havana many years later, during the days of the Perpignan affair that made possible the ETA truce in the Catalan Countries, an important act of sovereignty.

Physical violence
 Arrest
 Detention / Custody
 Hustle / Projection
 Prone position / lying flat on the stomach / ventral decubitus
 Folding” (holding a person in a seated position with their head resting on their knees)
 Painful armlock
 Kicks, punches, slaps
 Feet / knees on the nape of the neck, chest or face
 Blows to the victim while under control and/or on the ground
 Blows to the ears
 Strangulation / chokehold
 Fingers forced backwards
 Spraying with water
 Dog bites
 Hair pulling
 Painful tightening of colson ties or handcuffs
 Painfully pulling by colson ties or handcuffs
 Sexual abuse
 Striking with a police vehicle
 Electric shocks
 Use of gloves
XUse of firearm
 Use of “Bean bags” (a coton sack containing tiny lead bullets)
 Use of FlashBall weapon
 Use of sound grenade
 Use of dispersal grenade
 Use of teargas grenade
 Use of rubber bullets weapon (LBD40 type)
 Use of batons
 Use of Pepper Spray
 Use of Taser gun
 Use of tranquillisers
 Torture / Inhumane and degrading treatment
 Execution
 Kidnapping
 Disappearance
Psychological violence
 Charge of disturbing public order
 Charge of rebellion
 Accusation of beatings to officer
 Charge of threatening officer
 Charge of insulting an officer
 Charge of disrespect
 Charge of resisting arrest
 Aggressive behaviour, disrespect, insults
XIntimidation, blackmail, threats
 Vexing or intimidating identity check
 Mock execution
 Intimidation or arrest of witnesses
 Prevented from taking photographs or from filming the scene
 Calls to end torment remained unheeded
 Prolonged uncomfortable position
 Failure to assist a person in danger
 Photographs, fingerprints, DNA
 Threat with a weapon
 Shooting in the back
 Charging without warning
 Kettling (corraling protestors to isolate them from the rest of the demonstration)
 Car chase
 Sexist remarks
 Homophobic remarks
 Racist comments
 Intervention in a private place
 At the police station
 Mental health issues
 Harassment
 Body search
 Home search
 Violence by fellow police officers
 Passivity of police colleagues
 Lack or refusal of the police officer to identify him or herself
 Refusal to notify someone or to telephone
 Refusal to administer a breathalyzer
 Refusal to fasten the seatbelt during transport
 Refusal to file a complaint
 Refusal to allow medical care or medication
 Lies, cover-ups, disappearance of evidence
 Undress before witnesses of the opposite sex
 Bend down naked in front of witnesses
 Lack of surveillance or monitoring during detention
 Lack of signature in the Personal Effects Register during detention
 Deprivation during detention (water, food)
 Inappropriate sanitary conditions during detention (temperature, hygiene, light)
 Sleep deprivation
 Confiscation, deterioration, destruction of personal effects
 Pressure to sign documents
 Absence of a report
 Complacency of doctors

Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Ut elit tellus, luctus nec ullamcorper mattis, pulvinar dapibus leo.

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